4

French Acre

The Language and Landscapes of the Rouleaux

Previous studies of Eudes’s Account-Inventory have emphasized the western elements and actors mentioned in the texts with very little acknowledgement of the Outremer setting. But closer scrutiny of the rouleaux situates these texts firmly within the context of Crusader Acre. Unlike written products crafted solely to allow the reader to engage with and linger over the written word (such as liturgical books or historical narratives), these records were ancillary to the main proceedings. They were created to accompany the actions of those who carried them out. In this way, the rolls functioned as an aide-compte, that is, as an aid for accounting, and an aide-memoire, a memory device. Just as the rouleaux allow us to reconstruct the actions of the main figures of Eudes’s retinue, they also render evidence of the landscapes and cultural environments where those events transpired.

The world of Acre is visible in two ways: first, in the location-specific institutions and vocabularies listed within; and second, through the Outremer-inflected language and writing styles used to describe the count’s final deeds and to instruct how his affairs were to be settled. But we also see how eastern and western elements cohabitated, combined, and at times clashed in this unrehearsed and unpolished recounting of Eudes’s Outremer experiences. Those aspects specific to the Holy Land, including references to Acre-based political and religious institutions, the recourse to Levantine vocabularies, and the use of Old French for documentation, all vie with currencies, ways of reckoning time, and certain graphic and toponymic norms rooted in a western Christian worldview. The imbrication of both Levantine and western European elements makes Eudes’s Account-Inventory stand out clearly as a product of the Latin East’s thirteenth-century capital city.

The Account-Inventory is also an invaluable list of the principal churches and other religious organizations named as beneficiaries in the document, all of which were located in and around the northwestern part of the city.¹ Whether this list reflects Eudes’s choices or those of his executors we can’t know, but the place-names recorded on Roll C serve as a handlist of institutions and individuals in Acre deemed worthy of aristocratic testamentary bequests. In drawing up his magisterial topographical lexicon of the churches in the crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, Denys Pringle used Eudes’s inventory as one of his key sources to map the religious landscape of Acre in the later thirteenth century.² Religious houses, leper hospitals, both smaller independent groups and those connected to the Order of St. Lazarus, as well as beguines and hermits are all listed on Roll C among Eudes’s beneficiaries.³ The list is both selective and securely rooted in a knowledge of Acre’s social and religious topography. Not every institution in the city is named, nor are any organizations mentioned as recipients beyond those located within the city and its nearby environs, with the possible exception of one unidentified church named “St. Mary of Vamit.”⁴

The locations of these institutions reveal that Eudes and his retinue had either developed ties to beneficiaries scattered throughout Acre, or had been advised, for reasons now lost to us, to donate to a geographically widespread set of recipients. Very few of Eudes’s bequests were made to institutions at the heart of the city, near the port, in areas dominated by inhabitants from the Italian city-states of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa. Rather, the majority of Eudes’s bequests went to religious houses, hospitals, and churches found around the perimeter of the crowded urban center, or placed well to the north, extending into the adjacent French-dominated suburb of Montmusard. The churches of St. Thomas the Martyr, St. Bartholomew, St. Martin, the Franciscan headquarters, and the Bethlehem Hospital, for example, were all located in Montmusard. St. Michael’s, however, situated at the furthest edge of the old city bordering the coast and adjacent to the town’s ancient walls, also benefited from the count’s generosity. This was the same location where fellow crusader and author John of Joinville had convalesced in 1250 after a near brush with death.⁵

The long list of Acre-based institutions places this text squarely in the Crusader States’ capital. Even if we are unaware of the precise locations of these religious houses and hospitals, there are other more subtle indications of the texts’ context of creation. A specific Holy Land vocabulary was characteristic of the French-language documents produced at the time. Local terms used to describe Levantine geographies, military titles, or currencies were incorporated into the lexicon of western Christians during their time in the crusading East. Tyre (Sur), Beirut (Bereithe), and Château Pèlerin (Chastiau pelerin) were all eastern locations mentioned explicitly in the text following their Eastern usage. These names appear either on their own or as toponyms to accompany institutions found on eudes’s list of beneficiaries. The title of turcopole (Account-Inventory: trecopole), a term of decidedly eastern origin and understood as a position equivalent to a light cavalryman, describes several of the combatants in Eudes’s retinue and listed among those in his pay.⁶ Words for Levantine currency denominations, the bezant and the quarroble, appear either written out or as well-known symbols or abbreviations on nearly every surface of the five rouleaux. And finally, some of the goods—especially fabrics—found in Eudes’s apartments carry linguistic traces of their Levantine origins. Fabrics of eastern production described as boqueranz, cameline, or dras de tartais contrast with the cloth coming from the northern French towns of Provins (Provins) and Troies (Troyes) or the duchy of Borgoingne (Burgundy).⁷

The clearest indicator, however, of the texts’ Outremer provenance is the choice of Old French as the language of record. In Acre, many individuals and corporate entities used a style of Old French that scholars now call the French of Outremer or Outremer French to record their affairs.⁸ Although Eudes’s inventory displays only some of the linguistic markers of Outremer French, the fact that this legal and administrative document was written in French at all in many ways aligns it more closely with the linguistic and graphic norms common to crusader Acre and to the knightly administrative elite at work there than to the Christian, Latinate West.⁹ Aside from the Acre-based religious institutions to which Eudes pledged money or objects of value, the city also served as the headquarters for several western-facing secular and ecclesiastical institutions, all of which contributed to the unique graphic culture that shaped the composition of the dying count’s Account-Inventory. The list of institutions producing written texts in thirteenth-century Acre was impressive: the bishops of Bethlehem, Nazareth, and Acre all maintained residences in the city, as did the patriarch of Jerusalem and brethren of the Hospitallers, the Templars, and the Teutonic Knights, all of whom relied on writing offices or formal chanceries.¹⁰ In addition, three different Italian city-state communities were anchored in the areas surrounding the port, and their members often worked in multiple languages, including various dialects of Italian, Ladino, and Old French. These institutions and cultural communities relied on the skills of writers and scribes whose textual products spanned several genres, including business contracts, legal statutes, translations from one language into another, pilgrim wills and bequests, liturgical texts, local history books, or works of leisure reading such as romances or song collections like the ones found in Eudes’s apartments.¹¹ All of these Acre-based institutions produced written documents that recorded the financial and diplomatic affairs in which they were engaged, whether in the Holy Land or abroad. A significant number of these documents were produced in French rather than Latin or a local vernacular, or were written in both French and another language including Italian, the French of Italy, or Ladino.¹²

Of the Acre-based institutions that produced French-language texts, the Templars appear most prominently in the Account-Inventory as the site where the count’s monies were received, exchanged, and disbursed. The Temple functioned as the bank of deposit for Louis IX on his own trip to the Holy Land, and he continued to use the Templars’ services to direct funds eastward after his return to France in 1254.¹³ And the duke of Burgundy sent his son, our Eudes, monies by this same route. We read that “500 marks sterling were delivered from Burgundy, which the duke of Burgundy sent to the count by way of the Temple, in the August passage, which were worth, on that day in Acre, 1,387 lb 10 s. … d t.”¹⁴ Like the Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights, the Templars produced administrative documentation in Outremer French while headquartered in the Levant. And like their Hospitaller counterparts, they did so in greatest abundance in the decades between 1250 and 1270.¹⁵ Members of the Templar order also wrote letters in French while stationed in Acre. The Holy Land has been provisionally identified as the production locale for one of the three surviving manuscript copies of the French-language version of the Templar’s Rule and Retrais (supplementary legislation).¹⁶ In short, the clerics and scribes who wrote the Account-Inventory and who chose French as the language of record were working in line with the documentary practices of their Templar associates.

And yet, to focus solely on the Levantine elements of these texts is to tell only half the story. What makes this set of writings stand out as a product of Outremer—that is, coming from a place that could only exist and be understood as “across the sea” from one’s homeland in the West—is the imbrication of western-imported and Levantine local words, ideas, referents, and graphic practices. For example, while the names of the religious houses of Acre linked them to the western Christian canon of saints widely recognized across Christendom and the Mediterranean (e.g., St. Anne, St. Bartholomew, St. Anthony), several feast days mentioned as reference points in the account documents were saints known in northern France specifically. Whereas the feasts of Saint Lawrence, Saint Michael, and that of the Holy Cross, all used as dates of record in the Account-Inventory, were shared within the Christian calendar, the feast day of Saint Leu (Loup), probably referred to the celebration of the seventh-century bishop of Sens, also called Saint Lupus, which took place on the first of September.¹⁷ Its inclusion as a date of record signals both the geographic connection to and an insider familiarity with this northern French saint on the part of the compiler-accountants. Even when the texts were operating within a shared, cohesive, western Christian calendar of sanctoral references, there is a sense that each instance of saintly naming also existed alongside another western or Levantine counterpart.

Just as the Holy Land place-names evoked the near landscape in which the records were created, they could also call to mind personal identities and associations. Place-names not only designate geographic locations, they also identified people. Western toponyms that referenced locations Francophone visitors to Acre might have called deça mer (this side of the sea, meaning western Europe) were a reminder that la Terre Outremer could only exist when charted from a western perspective.¹⁸ The texts that list Acre, Tyre, and Château Pèlerin alongside Troyes, Cîteaux, and Burgundy are a clear witness to how East met West in the Crusader States and in the surviving records that originated there. The long list of toponymic surnames among Eudes’s payees in Roll A is a reminder that the majority of his retinue were displaced and very far from home while stationed in Acre. Northern French toponyms like de Diepe, de Brabant, and le Picart were placed side by side with other payees, such as the “valet who served the archbishop of Tyre [Vallet qui fu a larcevesque de Sur].”¹⁹ This uneven pairing often jolts the reader into a confrontation with the reality of displacement for so many of those listed. The admixture is also present in vocational names; the French-language vocations le Clerc (the clerk) and le Chapelain (the chaplain) contrast with the trecoples found in Roll A, making the reader wonder whether the jobs of clerk and chaplain were different in the Levant than in the West. Ever-present as well is the tension that exists between the monetary denominations cited in the texts, whether Levantine (bezant and quarroble), northern French (sous tournois) or international (mark sterling). The Account-Inventory’s frequent conversion of value from one denomination to another, one system of account to the next, demonstrates acutely how daily life in this context involved a constant negotiation between the worlds of outre and deça mer.

The skills visitors and inhabitants of thirteenth-century Acre developed when mediating between one set of norms and another extended to graphic and literary styles as well. From the early twelfth century, those who wrote for the knightly class in the West valued Old French as a multiform medium of expression. By the mid-thirteenth century, writers in the crusader East had become increasingly adept at doing the same for knightly readers. Several French-language manuscripts produced in Acre in the later part of the century, including histories and chansonniers similar to those found among the count’s belongings, spoke directly to the interests of aristocratic readers and their desire to participate in the crusading culture of the Latin East. The Account-Inventory, therefore, can be seen as a combination of two types of emerging Outremer French-language writing styles, the documentary and knightly narrative.²⁰ As the documents’ creators accounted for what was required to feed, house, and maintain a retinue, to ensure the spiritual routines deemed necessary for a crusader-noble’s household like Eudes’s, and to bequeath alms following the death of a great lord, they were also documenting the material constituents of performed crusader-knighthood.²¹ Not surprisingly, since the settings and items they described were aristocratic in nature, the compilers also inserted subtle snippets of narrative style and turns of phrase that evoked knightly literatures. For example, instead of noting Eudes’s date of death in relation to a certain feast day, as was the case with other dates in the text, the makers of the Account-Inventory recorded Eudes’s final day as “the day the count passed from life to death.” Similarly, the honorific “mon segnor” (my lord) punctuates throughout the text and, unlike in many accounting documents, is almost never omitted when they name the three principal executors, Érard of Vallery, Geoffrey of Sergines, and Hugh of Augerant.

The Account-Inventory does more than document; it represents and even reenacts an Outremer knightly ethos in real-life terms. Curiously, it is in the text that was copied twice in the Account-Inventory—once on the day of Eudes’s death (on Roll B) and a second time on the parchment containing a list of all his bequests (Roll C)—that we see the strongest traces of a knightly narrative style and courtoisie come through. Akin to chansons de geste written to extol knightly models or the personalized laments (complaintes) Rutebeuf composed, the text elements repeated in Rolls B and C capture a scene in which the dying count bestows precious objects to his followers and ceremoniously distributes a sapphire, emeralds, and rings from Le Puy—all of which he had carried with him from his homeland—to the most loyal members of his entourage.²² The mini-scripts of Eudes’s bestowals are laced with the vocabulary of aristocratic patronage and obligation. The scribes emphasize and repeat terms of masculine relationships and endearments (brothers, a father, the patriarches), as well as those that reference the practice of the faith, including mentions of liturgical garb (a surplice) and other sacred treasures (a breviary, a golden cross, and a collection of relics). Even though the Account-Inventory seems to share little with the genre of elaborately rhyming chivalric French-language literature created in the Holy Land and elsewhere, the scribes chose to use similar objects, actions, and expressions to animate the rouleaux. This was entirely appropriate as Outremer writers and audiences were comfortable reading and writing both documentary and chivalric texts in French. The crossover from one genre to another exhibited in the inventory was common for writing originating in the Latin East.²³ Both permanent and part-time members of these communities were constantly negotiating the intermediary nature of their activities and identities, at times looking westward, at other times firmly anchored in the affairs of the Holy Land. The compositional strategies employed in this multicultural context, the materials Eudes’s executors had at their disposal while living in the Latin East, and even Acre’s on-the-ground sacred geographies, all rise to the surface in the text and mark it as a product of the Outremer.

Although circulation characterizes the contents of the rolls, we remain in the dark about why, when, and how they traveled from Acre to France and then into the archives in Paris. Certainly, by the later thirteenth century the crown had a vested interest in the territories that made up the fiefs of Burgundy and Nevers. In 1265, the year before Eudes’s death, Louis IX’s son Jean Tristan married Eudes’s daughter Yolande and took the title of count of Nevers, which he held until his death in 1270 while on crusade in Tunis. It may have been useful for the young couple and then the royal administration to have a list of Eudes’s knights in service in the East. After his death many of these same men were retained to serve and defend of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and continued to be paid and to reside in Acre through 1268.²⁴ Thus, Eudes’s Account-Inventory, and certainly Roll A, could have functioned as a form of feudal register or accounting record reflecting how much each person was to be paid, much like the records maintained by the crusade leaders in the 1270s as contingents of crusaders passed through the Kingdom of Sicily in the aftermath of the Tunis crusade.²⁵ It is also likely that the rolls were used or perhaps even recopied in the mid-1270s as part of the ongoing disputes over the inheritances of Burgundy that ensued among Eudes’s daughters and their respective husbands.²⁶ After 1270, and the death of Jean Tristan, Yolande married her second husband, Robert of Bethuné, the future count of Flanders. Eudes’s second daughter, Marguerite, was married to Charles of Anjou and took the title queen of Sicily, which she held during her lifetime.²⁷ The sisters maintained close ties, fostered by visitors, relatives, and their own travel between France, Flanders, and the Regno. The movement of wealth and titles within and among the houses of Anjou, Sicily, Flanders, Nevers, and Tonnerre, among others, however, remained contentious and complex. Eudes’s Account-Inventory offered in the 1270s, as it still does now, a model of a luxuriant court with clothing and gifts in abundance, very much of a piece with the courts of Sicily, Artois, and Flanders by the close of the century.²⁸ Finally, the text’s descriptive quality, especially Rolls B–D, may have also, simultaneously, served a commemorative function, evoking the count in all his sartorial splendor and in the many gifts enumerated and recounted for those who read the administrative text in the West.

1. The location of each institution is listed in Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993–2009), 4:23. Our map relies on the placement of these institutions on Pringle’s map, at 4:16–17.

2. See Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom, 4:21–23 and 46.

3. On the charitable landscape between Acre and Jerusalem in general, see Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom; for the Order of St. Lazar, see Malcolm Barber, “The Order of Saint Lazarus and the Crusades,” Catholic Historical Review 80 (1994): 439–56.

4. Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom, 4:23.

5. Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom, 4:57. For monastic houses in the Crusader States more broadly, see Bernard Hamilton and Andrew Jotischky, Latin and Greek Monasticism in the Crusader States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020). On Joinville’s time in Acre, see Joinville, VSL, paras. 406–69, esp. 410.

6. Laura Minervini, “What We Do and Do Not Know about Outremer French,” in The French of Outremer: Communities and Communications in the Crusading Mediterranean, ed. Laura K. Morreale and Nicholas L. Paul (New York: Fordham University Press, 2018), 15–29. See also Cyril Aslanov, “Languages in Contact in the Latin East: Acre and Cyprus,” Crusades 1 (2002): 155–81; and Aslanov, Le français au Levant, jadis et naguère: À la recherche d’une langue perdue (Paris: Champion, 2006).

7. See the discussion of cloth types and production below, and in the essay by Sharon Farmer.

8. Minervini, “What We Do and Do Not Know about Outremer French.”

9. Cyril Aslanov, “Crusaders’ Old French,” in Research on Old French: The State of the Art, ed. Deborah L. Arteaga (Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012), 207–20. On graphic practices in Acre, see Pierre Noble, “Écrire dans le Royaume franc: La scripta de deux manuscrits copiés à Acre au XIIIe siècle,” in Variations linguistiques: Koinés, dialectes, français régionaux, ed. Pierre Noble (Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2003), 33–52; and Laura Minervini, “Le français dans l’Orient latin (XIIIe–XIVe siècles): Éléments pour la caractérisation d’une scripta du Levant,” Revue de linguistique romane 74 (2010): 121–98.

10. For western-oriented institutions and their placement in Acre, see Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom; and David Jacoby, “L’évolution urbaine et la fonction méditerranéenne d’Acre à l’époque des croisades,” in Citta portuali del Mediterraneo, storia e archeologia: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Genova 1985, ed. Ennio Poleggi (Geneva: Sagep, 1989), 95–109.

11. For an overview of the types of literature produced in the Latin East, see Anthony Bale, “Reading and Writing in Outremer,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Literature of the Crusades, ed. Anthony Bale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 85–101; and Jonathan Rubin, Learning in a Crusader City: Intellectual Activity and Intercultural Exchanges in Acre, 1191–1291 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

12. For documents from Acre, see Reinhold Röhricht, Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (MXCVII–MCCXCI) (Oeniponti: Libraria Academica Wageriana, 1893); for a mapping of graphic practice in Acre, see Laura Morreale, Pilgrims and Writing in Crusader Acre, https://scalar.lauramorreale.com/pilgrims-and-writing-in-crusader-acre/graphic-topographies-of-crusader-acre. As noted above, Eudes’s Account-Inventory is exceptional in that it was not included in the Regesta.

13. David Michael Metcalf, “The Templars as Bankers and Monetary Transfers between West and East in the Twelfth Century,” in Coinage in the Latin East: The Fourth Oxford Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History, ed. Peter Edbury and D. M. Metcalf, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 1995), 1–17; and Léopold Delisle, Mémoire sur les opérations financières des Templiers (Paris: Impr. Nationale, 1889), 23.

14. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 2: “Il fu aporte de borgoingne v^c mars destellins que li dux de Borgoingne envoia le conte par le temple au passaige daoust qui valoient au jour de lors en Acre m iii^ccc iiii^xx vii lb x s … d tornois.” Chazaud, “Inventaire,” 185.

15. Érard of Vallery composed a letter in French in 1267 that confirmed receipt of funds from Louis IX’s Sienese creditors by way of the Templars. On Érard’s correspondence, see below. See also Laura K. Morreale, “French-Language Documents Produced by the Hospitallers, 1231–1310,” Journal of Medieval History 40 (2014): 439–57.

16. The manuscript in question is Paris, BnF, MS fr. 1977. Simonetta Cerrini, “La tradition manuscrite de la règle du temple,” in Autour de la première croisade: Actes du colloque de la Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East (Clermont-Ferrand, 22–25 juin 1995), ed. Michel Balard (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1996), 216. A fourth manuscript of the Rule survived until the twentieth century, housed in Dijon, but the manuscript was stolen in 1985 just after the publication of the catalogue of the library’s holdings and has yet to be recovered.

17. Not to be confused with Saint Leu (Lupus) of Troyes. See Bryan Ward-Perkins and Robert Wiśniewski, eds., “The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity Database,” http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk. For the history of Saint Leu in the region, see Clark Maines, The Western Portal of Saint-Loup-de-Naud (New York: Garland, 1979).

18. Alan Forey, “The Office of Master deça mer in Military Orders,” in The Templars and Their Sources, ed. Karl Borchardt, Karoline Döring, Philippe Josserand, and Helen Nicholson (London: Routledge, 2017), 125–32.

19. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1.

20. Eudes’s Account-Inventory was not the first Old French text written in the Latin East to combine documentary and narrative writing styles. The first prose history written in French comes from Geoffrey of Villehardouin, whose Conquete de Constantinople was written in the Latin East. Villehardouin’s text, like that of Robert of Clari, also written in Old French, was part of an efflorescence of vernacular writing that emerged at the turn of the thirteenth century, drawing in the interests of a French reading/listening aristocracy, many of whom were women, and echoing a documentary practice that was increasingly pursued publicly in the vernacular as well. On the importance of the French vernacular tradition, see Gabrielle M. Spiegel, Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); on vernacularity in the crusade context, see Anne E. Lester, “Crusading as a Religious Movement: Families, Community, and Lordship in a Vernacular Frame,” in Between Orders and Heresy: Rethinking Medieval Religious Movements, ed. Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane and Anne E. Lester (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2021), 127–69; and Marisa Galvez, The Subject of Crusade: Lyric, Romance, and Materials, 1150 to 1500 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020). See also Theodore Evergates, Geoffroy of Villehardouin, Marshal of Champagne (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2024), which sheds important light on these questions. For a wider and multilingual vernacular circulation, see Teresa Shawcross, The Chronicle of Morea: Historiography in Crusader Greece (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 53–114; as well as Uri Zvi Shachar, A Pious Belligerence: Dialogical Warfare and the Rhetoric of Righteousness in the Crusading Near East (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2021).

21. Recent work on the contours of the knightly culture of Outremer and its movement between East and West demonstrates how powerful an ideal and cultural imaginary this was becoming. See, for example, Amanda R. Luyster, ed., Bringing the Holy Land Home: The Crusades, Chertsey Abbey, and the Reconstruction of a Medieval Masterpiece (Turnhout: Brepols/Harvey Miller, 2023).

22. Edition, Roll B Back; Roll C Back; and the discussion of these objects below.

23. See Nicholas L. Paul, “In Search of the Marshal’s Lost Crusade: The Persistence of Memory, the Problems of History and the Painful Birth of Crusading Romance,” Journal of Medieval History 40 (2014): 292–310. On the crossover among genres and ideas, see the masterful study by Barbara Newman, Medieval Crossover: Reading the Secular against the Sacred (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2013). Concerning the broader circulation of ideas and practices in this context, see the essays in Stephen G. Nichols, Joachim Küpper, and Andreas Kablitz, eds., Spectral Sea: Mediterranean Palimpsests in European Culture (New York: Peter Lang, 2017); and Luyster, Bringing the Holy Land Home.

24. Christopher J. Marshall, “The French Regiment in the Latin East,” Journal of Medieval History 15 (1989): 303.

25. On the Rôles des fiefs for Champagne, see Theodore Evergates, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152–1284 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975). In the crusade context, see the discussion of such record-keeping practices in Jean Dunbabin, The French in the Kingdom of Sicily, 1266–1305 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 78–98; and comparatively, see Dunbabin, “The Household and Entourage of Charles I, King of the Regno, 1266–85,” Historical Research 77 (2004): 313–36. The lists of men accompanying each leader have been edited in Riccardo Filangieri et al., eds., I registri della Cancelleria angioina (Naples: L’Accademia, 1951–2006), vol. 6: Register XXII, item 891 (at pp. 171–72) and item 1205 (at pp. 226–27). For another example of the payments and feudal inventories of a princely court, see Erika Graham-Goering, Princely Power in Late Medieval France: Jeanne de Penthièvre and the War for Brittany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020).

26. See Dunbabin, The French in the Kingdom of Sicily, 15–17, 41–42, 124–26.

27. Yves Sassier, “Conflit de succession entre heritieres et sentence du parlement royal au XIIIe siècle: La partition du grand comté de Nevers-Auxerre-Tonnerre (Toussaint 1273),” in Inheritance, Law and Religions in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds, ed. Béatrice Caseau and Sabine R. Huebner (Paris: ACHAByz, 2014), 67–74; Meredith Parsons Lillich, The Queen of Sicily and Gothic Stained Glass in Mussy and Tonnerre (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998); and L. Le Maistre, “Marguerite de Bourgogne, reine de Naples, de Sicile et de Jérusalem, Comtesse de Tonnerre,” Annuaire historique du département de l’Yonne 31 (1867): 43–109; see also Jean Richard, Les ducs de Bourgogne et de la formation du duché, du XIe au XIVe siècle (Dijon: Bernigaud et Privat, 1954), 318–28.

28. For the life of such courts, see Dunbabin, “The Household and Entourage of Charles I”; Sharon Farmer, “Aristocratic Power and the ‘Natural’ Landscape: The Garden Park at Hesdin, ca. 1291–1302,” Speculum 88 (2013): 644–680; and Sarah-Grace Heller, “Revisiting the Inventories of Artois: Fashion, Status, and Taste at the Court of Mahaut, ca. 1307–1310,” in Inventories of Textiles—Textiles in Inventories: Studies on Late Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture, ed. Thomas Ertl and Barbara Karl (Vienna: Vienna University Press, 2017), 71–87.