5

Outremer Subjects

A Crusader’s Retinue

Although the count of Nevers is the principal subject of the Account-Inventory, the text makes reference to a vast array of individuals in Eudes’s employ and within his household. Paramount among them are three knights, two of whom accompanied him to the East and who together coordinated the assessment and appraisal of his goods and oversaw the payments and disbursal of his wealth both in cash and in kind: Érard of Vallery, Geoffrey of Sergines the younger, and Hugh of Augerant. Surprisingly little scholarship has focused on these men, although they played critical roles in the business of the Holy Land and the Mediterranean-wide crusades planned between 1261 and 1272. Rutebeuf, the vernacular poet active around the court of Louis IX, offered detailed contemporary poetic portraits of Eudes, count of Nevers, as well as Geoffrey of Sergines the elder (father of Geoffrey the younger) and Érard of Vallery. Composed as a series of complaintes, that is, laments and tributes to these men as models of chivalric valor, they formed part of a corpus of crusade verse compositions possibly performed for the royal court or in related courtly circles.¹ Rutebeuf argued that Eudes, Geoffrey, and Érard gave their lives in service to the cross and extolled their commitments as exemplars, goading others to take up the cross anew on the eve of the Tunis expedition.² As such, Rutebeuf’s poems offer valuable contemporary observations and commentary on the actions, ambitions, and legacies of Eudes and those within his circle and provide a poetic gloss in the staccato language of the Account-Inventory.

In the late fall of 1265 Érard of Vallery departed with Eudes and Érard of Nanteuil for Acre. Although we do not know the precise route they took, it is likely that they set out from Lyons, on the border of Burgundy, and followed the Rhône River south to Marseille and from there sailed by way of Italy and Bari to Cyprus or directly to Acre. The Italian peninsula was deeply divided at that moment, and Charles of Anjou was mustering his own troops to face the last Hohenstaufen heirs for control of the crown of Sicily.³ In 1266, Érard appears obliquely in the Account-Inventory overseeing the creation of the text and the distribution of salaries and bequests. He was not physically present when funds for the initial payment of salaries were paid, and the text notes that Geoffrey of Sergines the younger represented him for all remaining transactions that took place in person.

Érard was a Champenois knight (Valéry, Vallery, or Saint-Valéry is in the Yonne, in the canton of Chéroy, east of Troyes) and the son of Jean of Vallery, one of the “good knights” who served with Louis IX. Jean the father and his two sons, Jean and Érard, accompanied the king on his first expedition to Egypt and then to Outremer in 1248.⁴ John of Joinville mentions Jean the father often in the Vie de Saint Louis in favorable terms.⁵ The elder Jean was brought into royal circles in 1230 when the king granted him an annual income of 100 lbs. as a fief-rent from lands in the bailliage of Escurolles (Allier, in the arrondissement of Gannat). At the time, he was also a vassal of Thibaut IV, count of Champagne, and is listed in the feudal registers of the counts between 1222 and 1229.⁶ Érard accompanied his father and brother on Louis IX’s crusade in 1248, and they were all at Damietta in the following year. According to Joinville, Érard’s father offered Louis valuable advice at critical moments leading up to and during the Battle of Mansurah. At that time, Érard’s brother was nearly taken captive, but Érard managed to save him, and the two continued to serve the king in Egypt and most likely traveled on to Acre with Louis and stayed there, at least for a time. From then on, Érard would spend much of his life traveling between France, the Kingdom of Sicily, and the Holy Land. Five years later, he served in the battle of West-Kappel (July 4, 1253) and was taken prisoner in Lorraine with Guy and Jean of Dampierre and Thibaut of Bar in their struggle against Jean of Avesnes for the title to the county of Flanders. It may have been through the Dampierre, who were related to Mahaut II of Bourbon (Eudes’s wife), that Érard came to know and to serve with Eudes. In 1261, Jean and his son Érard, both described as “chevaliers,” were given a fief-rent of 100 lbs. annual rent from Jean of Châtillon, count of Blois and Avesnes.⁷ And in June 1261, Érard oversaw the exchange of rents between one Adam Genart and the prior of Braunay.⁸ Then in 1264, the elder Jean seems to have retired and created an annuity with the abbey of Cluny with the consent of his son. Four years later he sold lands from his royal fief to Agnes of Dampierre (wife of John of Bourbon), Eudes’s sister-in-law.⁹ These families, in short, were closely connected in France and in the Holy Land and were accustomed to moving between the two with regularity.

By this point, Érard had made himself an important player in royal and comital circles with connections to the formidable counts of Champagne, Blois, and Nevers. In 1265, he was one of a handful of knights whom Louis IX charged with the transfer of funds designated for the Holy Land in support of Acre.¹⁰ In this capacity, Érard traveled with Eudes, but then returned to France after Eudes’s death in 1266. By June 1267 he was serving the king with Geoffrey of Sergines, carrying sealed letters from Louis IX concerning loans contracted with Sienese bankers in support of the Holy Land.¹¹ Érard then entered into the service of the king’s brother, Charles of Anjou, and in August 1268 he was in Italy, serving as Charles’s military advisor at the Battle of Tagliacozzo (August 23, 1268), where he coordinated the final decisive victory that won Charles the crown of Sicily.¹²

Érard may have returned to Outremer in the early fall but appears again, in late 1268, back in France, serving as constable of Champagne in the court of Thibaut V, king of Navarre and count of Champagne.¹³ On March 19 he was a witness to an agreement between Count Thibaut and his brother Henry, count of Rosnay, in which Henry consented not to marry without Thibaut’s agreement.¹⁴ The following March, Érard was in Paris and represented Thibaut V in an agreement to aid Baldwin II in recovering Constantinople, for which Thibaut was promised one quarter of the Latin imperial lands should they ever be regained.¹⁵ Over the following year, Érard continued to represent the count-king in several other transactions.¹⁶

By May 1270, he was in Aigues-Mortes, the port town the king had constructed in the south of France about 120 kilometers from Marseille, where Louis IX, with his family and household, gathered in preparation to depart on the crusade to Tunis.¹⁷ Érard committed to bring thirty knights with him, each accompanied by an agreed upon number of horses and grooms (garçons) to tend to them. In a previous contract he made with Louis IX, he was to be paid 8,000 lb. t. for their wages, their passage, and that of their horses, but they were restricted from eating with the royal household.¹⁸ On June 24, 1270, as he prepared to depart on crusade again (“ou servise Nostre Seignor de la Terre Seinte, ou là que il verroient que il seroit plus granz profiz à m’ame”) he drew up a codicil to his testament.¹⁹ Much like Eudes of Nevers, he provided payments for a long list of knights and squires in his service and made provision to give away his movable wealth, gold, silver, dishware, and other unspecified objects, to men close to him. The codicil does not state where it was created, but both Érard and Count Thibaut V appended their seals to the document, and it is likely that these final provisions were decided in Aigues-Mortes, just days before he departed with the king, perhaps also aboard the ship called Monjoie.²⁰ No mention is made of Érard’s wife or heirs, although several charters in the Trésor des chartes indicate he was married to Marguerite de Nemours, who had her own seal.²¹ They had a daughter named Agnès, who married Savary, who became the Vicomte of Thouars after the death of his brother, Aimery. They had two sons, Gui and Renault.²² After the king’s defeat and death, Érard chose to follow Prince Edward of England to Acre, perhaps offering sage advice to the future king.²³ By June 1271, he had returned to the West and was present when Count Henry III of Champagne paid homage to King Philip III of France.

From that point onward, Érard was taken into the entourage of King Philip III, advising the new king and serving in his household.²⁴ He was especially valued for his expertise and experience in Outremer and no doubt offered advice to the young king, who began to plan a new crusade expedition. Érard served first as part of the royal chamber and then as chamberlain of France from 1270 until his death at some time between June 1276 and September 1277 (see figure 14).²⁵ In that year he drew up a final codicil to his testament that reaffirmed his commitments to the men in his service and made provisions for continued support of the Holy Land.²⁶ This document, although of a different legal nature, echoes Eudes’s Account-Inventory in profound ways, providing for the payment of debts, covering the salaries and obligations to those in his retinue, and making provisions for his movable wealth. Érard appears, like many aristocrats within his circle, to have been a man of “action, of counsel, but also a man of culture.”²⁷ He is the addressee of several courtly poems from the period, and after Eudes of Nevers’s death it was Érard who took (or was given) Eudes’s three vernacular books: two histories of the Outremer and one chansonnier. These were fitting texts for a man who spent his life moving between Deça- and Outremer. Érard was also given several of the opulent objects from among Eudes’s possessions, including the count’s chapel and a tent, cloth of gold, and the cloth threaded through the count’s heart.²⁸ When Eudes gave out rings to the men closest to him, he gave Érard “two small crosses of gold and a small silver case” that held “the relics that the patriarch had given to the count,”²⁹ an august gift that also suggests Érard’s religious commitments. In the lament for Eudes, “La complainte dou conte Hue de Nevers” (vv. 109–20), Rutebeuf extolled Érard in his own right, dedicating a full stanza of the poem to his deeds. The tenor of events in 1265 that informed Rutebeuf’s “Complainte doutremeir” illuminates the context and fervent concern that propelled Érard to return to Outremer, again and again.

Less is known about the lords of Sergines. Sergines was a small lordship in Champagne, in the archbishopric of Sens, today in the department of the Yonne. We know much more about Geoffrey of Sergines the elder than we do about his son, Geoffrey of Sergines the younger.³⁰ Young Geoffrey stands in the shadow of his father, whose reputation spanned the Mediterranean and who, after 1255, was presented as a model perpetual-crusader, that is, a loyal knight who dedicated himself to protecting French interests in the East and to maintaining control of Jaffa and Acre in the face of Mongol raids and Mamluk military pressure.³¹ In 1254, Louis IX set Geoffrey senior at the head of the French contingent of knights the king left behind and continued to support in Acre. This is how Rutebeuf describes him in a brief poem, “La complainte de monseigneur Joffroi de Sergines,” probably composed between 1255 and 1256 to recruit support and aid for the stipendarii in Acre under his charge.³² In May 1259, after the death of John of Ibelin, Geoffrey of Sergines was made bailli of the kingdom of Jerusalem in Acre. He had a reputation as a man with a “strong sense of justice for he put to death many thieves and murderers [fu moult fort justizier et en son tens pendy mout de larons et de murtriés].”³³

Geoffrey the elder is the first of his line mentioned in textual sources, and he appears in Joinville’s Vie de Saint Louis and in William of Nangis’s chronicle, both of whom share the assessment of Geoffrey as a loyal knight and companion of Saint Louis. Rutebeuf’s treatment is similar and ends with a prayer for his protection (“Or prions donques a celui”).³⁴ Twenty years later Rutebeuf mentions both Geoffrey and Eudes in his “Nouvele complainte doutremeir” (1277) where they are eulogized as exemplars, model crusaders crowned in paradise:

Avoir deussiez en memoire

Monseigneur Joffroi de Sergines

Qui fu tant boens et fu tant dignes

Quen paradix et coroneiz

Com sages et bien ordeneiz

Et le conte Huede de Nevers

Dont hom ne peut chanson ne vers

Dire se boen non et loiaul

Et bien loei en court roiaul.

A ceux deussiez panrre essample

Et Acres secorre et le Temple.³⁵

Other than the letters to pope and king mentioned above, Geoffrey appears in virtually no other archival texts. He did not receive fiefs from the crown or serve in other administrative capacities in the West. In February 1262, he was given permission from Pope Urban IV (r. 1261–64) to have a portable altar to celebrate Mass for himself and his knights and retainers.³⁶ Perhaps this was an arrangement not unlike the chapel that Eudes had and that moved into the possession of Érard after the count’s death, as noted above. Geoffrey certainly must have authored documents while serving in Acre, but there is precious little trace of such activity.

On the fifteenth of April 1263, the Templar of Tyre notes that Geoffrey was injured by “missiles [pilés]” when Baybars laid siege to the city.³⁷ In the spring of 1264, he led a contingent of knights on regular raids into the territory beyond Acre, which Baybars had taken into his control. In June of the same year, Geoffrey and his men attacked the area around Ascalon, “destroying crops and rustling livestock.” In response, Baybars launched raids north of Acre—at Caesarea and Chastel Pèlerin—that November. This continual, seasonal, warfare meant that the Franks became familiar with Mamluk tactics but gained little ground as they were always outnumbered.³⁸ Although both Geoffrey the elder and his son are referenced in the Account-Inventory, the latter, the young Geoffrey, stands in for Érard of Vallery, representing him when debts were paid and when Érard’s salary needed to be collected as noted on Roll A. This suggests a close relationship between the three men, reflected in the diplomatic correspondence from 1265 and 1267 when Érard and Geoffrey senior oversaw the transfer of subsidies to the Holy Land and again in 1268 when they wrote to the pope and the French king asking for additional aid.³⁹ In the spring of 1267, payments for such loans were slow in coming, and Geoffrey was forced to borrow 3,000 lbs. from the Temple in his own name to pay the knights in his regiment while he waited for payments from the French crown. This would be a debt that he and his heirs would carry forward for at least another decade.⁴⁰ But in the immediate aftermath of Eudes death, it was Geoffrey the son, with Hugh of Augerant, who oversaw the distribution of Eudes’s goods and rendered his accounts. By 1266, Érard was already on his way to Sicily to join Charles of Anjou, and Geoffrey the elder was taken up outside of Acre raiding near Tiberias.⁴¹

The Templar of Tyre records Geoffrey the elder’s death on April 11, 1269.⁴² His son went on to serve as Charles of Anjou’s seneschal and died barely a year later outside of Tunis in August 1270.⁴³ In France, the Sergines family surfaces from time to time in administrative records and other sources. In April 1275, Pope Gregory X wrote to King Philip III of France to ask forgiveness of the debt owed in Geoffrey the elder’s name, a debt that had carried over to Geoffrey the younger’s wife, Isabelle.⁴⁴ Three years later, Isabelle, who is described as Geoffrey the younger’s widow, was remarried to Jean d’Artier, a knight, and together they brought a plea to the Parlement of Paris to seek forgiveness of the 3,000 lbs. This is the first time we learn that Geoffrey the younger was married and had heirs, although they are not named. The barons of Parlement were unmoved and rejected Isabelle and Jean’s plea; the debt to the Temple stood and no doubt stoked resentments.⁴⁵ The material conditions and burdens of Outremer could live on over generations, saddling widows for years to come. How and if Geoffrey’s original debt was ever paid, we do not know.

The Sergines surface in other subtler forms in the West. A representation of their coat of arms, that is, the family’s heraldry, appears in the glazing program at Saint-Pierre-ès-Liens in Mussy in southern Champagne, a church that Eudes’s second daughter, Marguerite of Burgundy, countess of Tonnerre, wife of Charles of Anjou, and queen of Sicily, patronized.⁴⁶ This may have been a way of signaling the close connections between the families and therefore may have been a form of commemoration. In 1299, a Gilles de Sergines served as the cupbearer (échanson) to the queen, Jeanne of France (countess of Champagne and queen of Navarre) and was granted freedom for his heirs from servile status. Forty years later, in 1339, one Jean de Sergines rendered homage to the archbishop of Sens for lands in the lordship of Sergines.⁴⁷ The fact the Rutebeuf found it compelling to write of these men, Eudes, Érard, and Geoffrey, suggests that he chose—quite in keeping with his other poems—to valorize and memorialize men from his local world, from the border of Champagne and Burgundy. In doing so, he brought attention to the service of men who began their careers as lesser knights, men—with the exception of Eudes—without great lordships or fortunes but who were committed to the ideal of personal sacrifice in service to the Holy Land and who rose through the ranks of service to make a name for themselves.⁴⁸

There are several other men who appear multiple times throughout the Account-Inventory whom we know of only through this text. Hugh of Augerant was a knight in Eudes’s employ, probably from Langeron, a hamlet in the arrondissement of Nevers.⁴⁹ He is one of the administrators of Eudes’s estate and commanded a smaller retinue of knights in his own right. He was part of Eudes’s close circle and played the largest role in overseeing the dissolution of the count’s apartment and the disbursal of his things. It was Hugh who was charged with carrying some of the count’s most precious objects and family heirlooms back to the West to bestow on John of Bourbon, Eudes’s brother, and Jean Tristan, Eudes’s son-in-law. And it was Hugh who accepted the count’s silver-gilt henap, or drinking cup, in lieu of pay and, it would seem, as a memento evocative of the count, his table, and the close relationship the two men shared.⁵⁰ After Eudes’s death, Hugh was given lands at Noain as a gift for service from Robert of Flanders, Yolande of Nevers’s second husband. Thus, it appears that Hugh continued to have close ties with Eudes’s daughters. By 1274, he also held the lordship of Granges (near Magny-Course), and lands at Chantenay, Livry, and Riousse near Langeron.⁵¹

Two other men who played an official role in Eudes’s household should also be noted.⁵² Étienne le Clerc is mentioned seven times in the rolls and served as a clerk or cleric in Eudes’s household, and he may have been the one to write our rouleaux or parts thereof. In this capacity, he would have known Eudes’s knights, retainers, serjeants, servants, household workings, goods, and tastes perhaps better than anyone and would likewise have been familiar with the writing practices of the Temple and other official institutions in Acre and in France. Étienne received a payment from Eudes’s estate that seems to encompass his salary for a portion of the year (15 lb. t. or 45 b.). Guillaume le Chapelain is mentioned once and must have been a priest, most likely Eudes’s household chaplain. He would have conducted Mass for the count and his men, heard confessions, led prayers, and maintained the count’s chapel and guided his devotional life.⁵³ It seems reasonable to assume that both Étienne and Guillaume accompanied Eudes from Nevers to Acre, but it is possible that they met in the East. A tantalizing reference in an earlier text suggests that both men may have served in the household of the counts of Nevers for some time and may even have been familiar with the rigors of crusading. In 1241, when Guy IV, count of Nevers and Forez, second husband of Mahaut I of Nevers, Tonnerre, and Auxerre, died in Brindisi on his return from the Barons’ Crusade, he drew up a final testament. He did so, as he stated, “in the presence of brother Guilleum de Vitry, my chaplain and brother Guillelmo de … both of the order of Friars Minor, [and] Stephan my clerk [presentibus fratre Guillelmo de Vichiaco capellano meo et fratre Guillelmo de … socio ejusdem ordinis fratrum Minorum, Stephano clerico meo].”⁵⁴ Is it possible that one of these Guillaumes or this “Stephano clerico” could be the same men, surfacing again in Eudes’s accounts, and who remained in service to the Nevers family?

What is clear for all of the men mentioned in the text—Érard, Geoffrey, Hugh, Étienne, and Guillaume—is that French was the language of transaction. When writing to the French king in Paris and to the pope in residence in Viterbo, they wrote in French. When reading or listening to histories, romanciers, poems, and chansons, they did so in French. And this was the language they used to record the Account-Inventory, the same language that Rutebeuf would use to commemorate them in France.⁵⁵

Many other men (and perhaps a few women) are mentioned in the Account-Inventory for whom we know nothing other than their name and form of service. When Eudes died, he supported in his household four knights, one chaplain, one clerk, eight squires, nine servants, and thirty-two pages, almost all of whom were listed and named in the account.⁵⁶ He also hired five crossbowmen (paid 105 b. for two months’ service), and four turcopoles, that is, hired light cavalry (paid 117 b. for service for an unspecified amount of time), who are not named, implying they may have been local soldiers for hire rather than individuals known to the household traveling with Eudes to the East.⁵⁷ Of the four household knights listed, including Hugh of Augerant, we learn the names of Gaucher de Merry, Gui and Hervé de Chantenai, and “mon segnor Copin.”⁵⁸ Gaucher de Merry had served in the count’s retinue before departing for the Holy Land and is found in Eudes’s company in June 1261, serving as a witness to an agreement between the count and the monks of Reigny in Burgundy.⁵⁹ In addition to Eudes’s personal knights, the knights Reynaud of Précigné and Robert of Juennesses—both listed in Rolls A, B, and C—led two smaller groups of crusaders. Eudes’s household knights received 40 lb. t. in pay for one quarter of the year and would have been paid four times a year.⁶⁰ By contrast, Reynaud and Robert were paid 375 lb. t. and 235 lb. t. respectively.⁶¹ Given these sums, as Jonathan Riley-Smith has argued, this seems to imply that they supported their own contingents of two to four knights with them in turn.⁶² Reynaud and Robert may have been knights known to Eudes and part of the larger regiment with which he traveled, but not part of his own retinue.

Several other knights appear in the text under the designation “mon segnor” (mon seigneur) or “my lord.” These include William de la Tor and William Arnaut, whom the count paid 60 b. and 40 b. respectively, perhaps for lodging or for an unspecified service. “My lord” (mon segnor) Hervé de Chantenai’s lodgings were covered by the count for 9 b., more than what Eudes paid to lodge his knight Gui de Chantenai for two months (6 b. 16 q.).⁶³ It is possible that Hervé and Gui were related, but the text does not say.⁶⁴ The count also paid Salemon de Safforit, Lionnet de Tabarie, Homede, and Jehan le Porer for three months each, for unspecified service.⁶⁵ Similarly, the account makes it clear that Eudes knew Jaque Vidaut (that is, Jacques Vidal), an important knight and landholder in the Kingdom of Jerusalem who served as marshal of the kingdom and was recognized for his legal learning.⁶⁶ On his death, Eudes was in possession of a war horse (granz chevax) that had belonged to Jaque, suggesting that the marshal either sold it to Eudes or had given it to him.⁶⁷ Finally, additional knights and barons are listed in the inventory when they purchased items from Eudes’s estate. Geoffrey of Sergines “the father,” that is, the elder, is named when he purchased foodstuffs, presumably for the maintenance of his own household. “My lord Hugh de la Baume” acquired items from Eudes’s kitchen along with table linens; whereas “my lord Hugh de Mont-Cornet” bought some of the measures of barley kept in Eudes’s stores.⁶⁸ Given all the opulent objects available among Eudes’s things, as we shall see, these discrete purchases are indicative of the high price of food and fodder and the desire to sell and consume what the count had with him rather than let it go to waste. The 1260s proved to be a tremendously challenging time to live in Acre and to maintain a residence in the city.⁶⁹ Providing for a knightly household, ensuring a regular supply of food stuffs, and maintaining animals and soldiers alike took careful planning. And all of these men were engaged in managing the needs of their own retinues.

In addition to the knights, the text lists the stipends paid to each of Eudes’s squires, servants, and pages (“des Escuyers,” “des Serjanz,” and “des garçons”) and details the costs of their housing (ostels).⁷⁰ The patterns of listing these lodgings may give insight into who was housed together. For example, the knights Hugh, Gaucher, Gui, and Copin appear to lodge on their own, whereas Odet de Menant and Hermenin Le Veaul are listed together under one entry, so too for Huguenin de Givri and Tierriet (Thierriaut) (all of whom were squires). Among the squires too is one Perriau de Sissy, perhaps a relative of Étienne de Sissy. Brother Étienne de Sissy was a Templar official. He had served as marshal of the Temple in Acre from 1261 to 1262, after which point Urban IV made him resign his position.⁷¹ In 1271, after being excommunicated and then reconciling with Pope Clement IV, he was put at the head of the Templar province of Sicily-Apulia from 1271 until his death in 1273. At the time of his death in 1266, Eudes owed brother Étienne 1,000 b., which his executors repaid.⁷² Étienne and perhaps Perriau too were men from the same social world as Eudes and his knights, and Étienne would follow the same trajectory—from Acre to Sicily—that Érard and Geoffrey would take, all of them animating the broader networks that connected the French medieval Mediterranean.

The names of the sergeants also offer insight into how an Outremer household of knights may have functioned. Most of the sergeants were listed with two appellations, a first name and a second that in some cases, it would seem, implied a place of origin, like Jehan de Mussy, Henri de Brabant, Jehan de Bese, and Henri de Diepe. Other sergeants, or servants, have names that are more colloquial and familiar: Robet, Chauvin, Travers, and Afetie seem to need no other designation; they are there to hand. Indeed, both Robet and Bossu appear later in the inventory for other duties and larger sums that the count owed them, implying that they had been in Eudes’s service for a longer period of time or had been employed for additional extraordinary tasks. There are several men who seem to have attended to the count’s personal needs and were associated with specific rooms and therefore duties within the count’s household, including Huet de la Chambre, Perrinet de la Chambre, and Renaut de la Chambre, who may have served the count in his own room (chambre) or wardrobe, or so their names imply. Perrinet dou For perhaps worked in the kitchen, baking possibly (for or fur close phonetically to four, meaning oven, or to bake, in French). Then there may have been servants of repute: “Tastepeire” (Blockhead), “Char de Beuf” (Beefsteak), and “Boen home” (Good Man) have names, or maybe nicknames, that could connote affection or perhaps disrespect. We cannot know. But the names do suggest the familiarity of a retinue and a household that traveled, labored, and lived together. The count also paid small amounts to the valet of the Viscountess of Limoges (Marguerite of Burgundy, Eudes’s sister) and the valet of the archbishop of Tyre, perhaps for short errands between or among the households.⁷³ Finally, there are a number of servants listed whose names suggest the possibility that there may have been a few women in Eudes’s household, including Luile, Jannet le Flament, Jannet de Nichiz, Jannet de Talan, and Jehannin de la Ferrae. It is possible that the suffix -net or -nin could be feminine, or it could simply be a diminutive. We are left to speculate as the list gives us no other context to expand either hypothesis.

Additional one-time payments to specific individuals or functionaries, sometimes left unnamed, give insight into the needs and obligations contingent with a baron’s death in the East. The scribes recorded payments to agents for securing loans of cash and for selling cloth and silver items as well as for arranging for travel, specifically “passage,” one presumes back to France.⁷⁴ The executors also paid a spicer (lespicie) for embalming the count’s heart, and purchased a box (escrin) to transport it, relic like, to the Cistercian abbey of Cîteaux in Burgundy where the count instructed he should be commemorated in the West.⁷⁵ The same men also set up payments to cover the cost of the count’s tomb in the cemetery of St. Nicholas in Acre (60 b.).⁷⁶ Finally, at the margins of the text, evident especially when totals were summed or summarized, there is the presence of the treasurer and the grand master of the Temple.⁷⁷ By the 1260s, the Templar order had become indispensable for all transactions involving large sums or transfers of money, especially from France to Outremer. Eudes had at least one loan of 3,000 lb. t., which he drew from and attempted to have repaid after his death.⁷⁸ And he appears to have borrowed a similar amount from the Hospitallers.⁷⁹ By contrast, no mention is made of Italian merchant-bankers, like those from whom the king of France had drawn loans.⁸⁰ Eudes’s household was financially obliged, as far as this record is concerned, to the Templars and the Hospitallers alone, and it appears his debts were cleared after his death.

The household that emerges from the Account-Inventory was distinctively Burgundian. Most of the knights in Eudes’s retinue hailed from lands within the duchy or along its border with Champagne. Similarly, the other figures who circulated within Eudes’s orbit, both after his death and one presumes during his life, also had connections to the duchy of Burgundy, to Nevers, to southern Champagne, and to related territories, or to extended family members, such as Eudes’s sister. And for those whose careers we can follow after 1266, it is clear that these networks continued to hold as knights and retainers moved to serve in the employ of Charles of Anjou in Sicily, or under the king of France or count of Champagne upon returning to France. Thus, we can imagine that the contours of Eudes’s aristocratic household-on-the-move were to some extent maintained after his death, just as his memory lived on through the objects and things that moved with them, out of Acre and beyond Outremer.

1. See Anne Latowsky’s introduction to Rutebeuf’s poems below.

2. The “Complaintes” were written between 1255 and 1267 or possibly later, but before 1270. Oeuvres complètes de Rutebeuf, Trouvère du XIIIe siècle: Recueillies et mises au jour pour la première fois, ed. Archille Jubinal, 3 vols. (Paris: A. Delahays, 1874–1875); Rutebeuf: Oeuvres complètes, ed. Michel Zink (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2001); Oeuvres complètes de Rutebeuf, ed. Julia Bastin and Edmond Faral, 4th ed., vol. 1 (Paris: Picard, 1977); Onze poèmes de Rutebeuf concernant la croisade, ed. Bastin and Faral (Paris: Libraire Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1946). For studies of the poet, see Edward Billings Ham, Rutebeuf and Louis IX (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962); Nancy Freeman Regalado, Poetic Patterns in Rutebeuf: A Study in Noncourtly Poetic Modes of the Thirteenth Century (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1970); and Michel Zink, “Si je t’oublie, Constantinople …,” Médiévales 12 (1987): 43–46. They can be read in the context of a longer crusade lyric tradition addressed for the French context in Linda Paterson, Singing the Crusades: French and Occitan Lyric Reponses to the Crusading Movements, 1137–1336 (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2018).

3. Jean Dunbabin, The French in the Kingdom of Sicily, 1266–1305 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 34; Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers: A History of the Mediterranean World in the Late Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Norman Housley, The Italian Crusades: The Papal-Angevin Alliance and the Crusades against Christian Lay Powers, 1254–1343 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982).

4. The most recent discussion of Érard of Vallery, with particular attention to his role in the household of Philip III, is in the masterful study by Xavier Hélary, L’Ascension et la chute de Pierre de La Broce, chambellan du roi († 1278): Étude sur le pouvoir royal au temps de Saint Louis et de Philippe III (v. 1250–v. 1280) (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2021). See also the remarks in Jean Richard, Saint Louis: Roi d’une France féodale, soutien de la Terre sainte (Paris: Fayard, 1983), 528–30, 537; Oeuvres complètes de Rutebeuf, ed. Jubinal, 3: note G, 39–52; Lespinasse, Le Nivernais, 2:272–73; Chazaud, “Inventaire,” 171–72; and Bastin and Faral, Onze poèmes, 64–69. Henri d’Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire des ducs et des comtes de Champagne (Paris: Durand, 1865), 4:494–98, also briefly describes Érard’s position.

5. Joinville, VSL, paras. (Jean) 168–69, on Jean’s knowledge of the customs of Outremer; 230–32, on Jean’s military advice to the king when in Damietta contrary to that of the king’s brothers; 243, with the king as he learned of Robert of Artois’s death at Mansurah; 295, 339, one of the representatives of the king sent to negotiate the French release from captivity; (Érard) 295, when he rescues his brother Jean from near captivity in Damietta.

6. See Theodore Evergates, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152–1284 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), 120, 172, 194, where he notes that Jean held only minor rear-fiefs, which “were barely distinguishable from peasant tenures” (120). In total, Jean and his wife held nineteen such small fiefs totaling an annual income of 75 lbs. Thus, a fief-rent of 100 lbs. annually represented significant upward mobility for Jean and, it seems, his family. See Auguste Longnon, Rôles des fiefs du comté de Champagne sous le règne de Thibaud le Chansonnier, 1249–1252 (Paris: Henri Menu, 1877), in Troyes: 245–46, no. 1119; in Provins: 303, nos. 1323–25.

7. In this document, Érard is listed as Jean’s son (filz). Alexandre Teulet et al., eds., Layettes du Trésor des chartes (Paris: H. Plon, 1863–1909), 4:23–24 (September 1261). The rent is in the currency of Chartres paid from Jean of Châtillon’s taille from Chartres, collected annually on the feast of Saint Remy. Curiously, Jean notes that he shall also pay them 10 s. t. per pound for each week that they are late or default on the payment. In return, Châtillon receives Jean in his homage, and after his death, he will receive Érard. The charter of infeudation is in French and represents, one must assume, a relationship of mutual support built on close ties following on the crusade expedition in which both fought and served together. Indeed, Gautier of Châtillon did serve in a contingent of knights with Jean the elder and Érard of Vallery; see Joinville, VSL, para. 295.

8. Maximilien Quantin, Recueil de pièces pour faire suite au cartulaire général de l’Yonne (Paris: Durand et Pédone-Lauriel, 1878), 292, no. 600 (June 1261), written in French.

9. Lespinasse, Le Nivernais, 2:272–73; Chazaud, “Inventaire,” 171–72.

10. Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:144 (July 1265); Gustav Servois, “Emprunts de Saint Louis en Palestine et en Afrique,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 4 (1858): 284.

11. Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:228–29 (June 30, 1267, Acre); and 4:230 (July 7, 1267, Acre); Servois, “Emprunts de Saint Louis,” 130.

12. See TdT, para. 359. Interestingly, for the transmission of knowledge across Outremer, as Michael Lower notes, it was Érard who “recommended a tactic that he had seen the Mamluks use during his time leading the French regiment in Acre. Érard led his knights back toward the stream, as if to leave the field. [The enemy’s] men then charged toward him, but began to lose momentum as their horses tired. Érard’s knights turned … in the classic conclusion to a Mamluk feigned retreat, seizing his [enemy’s] horse and forcing him to run away, a humiliating end.” See Michael Lower, The Tunis Crusade of 1270: A Mediterranean History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), 67. See also Housley, The Italian Crusades, 154.

13. Bastin and Faral, Onze poèmes, 67. Érard served as constable of Champagne from 1263 to 1276, a title he held while he traveled; indeed, other men like Hugh and Eustache of Conflans also took the title. Érard, likewise, served as both constable of Champagne and chamberer of France and Navarre, positions he held simultaneously from 1270 to 1276.

14. Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:327–28 (March 19, 1268/69, Longjumeau).

15. Érard, along with Hugh of Conflans, marshal of Champagne, and a clerk of the king, represented Thibaut in the transaction and received a ring of investiture (“per nostrum annulum … investimus”) as a symbol of the agreement. Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:331–33 (March 1–23, 1268/69, Paris).

16. By September, Érard was in Estella, Navarre, as a witness to another charter, Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:385–86 (September 24, 1269); and back in Troyes in February 1269/70 to oversee the transfer of a rent in Bar-sur-Aube, Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:417–18. In March 1269/70 the abbot of Preuilly endowed (one assumes as an annuity) a grange and all that pertains to it to the count for use during his lifetime, after which it would revert to the abbey, Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:429.

17. For these final months, see Lower, The Tunis Crusade, 102–5.

18. Dunbabin, The French in the Kingdom of Sicily, 260–61; Richard, Saint Louis, 538; Xavier Hélary, La dernière croisade: Saint Louis à Tunis (1270) (Paris: Perrin, 2016), 93–94, and Hélary, L’armée du roi de France: La guerre de Saint Louis à Philippe le Bel (Paris: Perrin, 2012), 91–94; and RHGF, 20:305.

19. Paris, AN, J 208, no. 6; edited in Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:449–50 (June 24, 1270), sealed by Érard and Thibaut of Navarre. For the seals, see Arnaud Baudin, Les Sceaux des comtes de Champagne et de leur entourage (fin XIe – début XIVe siècle) (Paris: Éditions Dominique Guéniot, 2012), 204. We thank Randall Pippenger for this reference. See also Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:450–51 (no. 5708), which establishes the amortization and fief-rent between Érard and Pierre de la Fauche. Érard may also have had a female relative, perhaps a sister, who was abbess of Notre-Dame-aux-Nonnians in Troyes.

20. For the departure from Aigues-Mortes, see Lower, The Tunis Crusade, 104–5. Many of those who mustered in Aigues-Mortes drew up testaments or revised their final instructions for the administration of their domains, or in the case of Louis IX, for the kingdom. This is reflected in the run of testaments kept in the royal archive and edited in Teulet et al., Layettes, 4:448–68.

21. Hélary, L’Ascension et la chute, 212–15. After Érard’s death in the fall of 1277, she sold land at Fins (near Graçay in the Berry) to Pierre de la Broce, just before his own arrest and fall. Pierre worked in the king’s chamber with Érard, and the families were close. Marguerite refers to him as her “dear friend [chier ami].” From Paris, AN, J 730, no. 208. On the Nemours family connections, see Hélary, L’Ascension et la chute, 212–13n5.

22. Oeuvres complètes de Rutebeuf, ed. Jubinal, 3:39–40. Jubinal cites materials in the Trésor des chartes, cartons 174, 136, 143, and 208 and 256. For information on Érard’s family at this time, see the references in Edmund Martene and Ursini Durand, Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Historicorum, Dogmaticorum, Moralium Amplissima Collectio (Paris: Montalant, 1724–33), 5:1157. We thank Xavier Hélary for help with these details.

23. Hélary, L’Ascension et la chute, 79; and Reinhold Röhricht, “Études sur les derniers temps du royaume de Jérusalem: Croisade d’Edouard d’Angleterre,” Archives de l’Orient Latin 1 (1881): 622. See the testament of Prince Edward here below.

24. See Hélary, L’Ascension et la chute, 77–79, 225–48, 410–18.

25. See Hélary, L’Ascension et la chute, 410–12; Oeuvre complètes de Rutebeuf, ed. Jubinal, 3:42–52. A number of charters pertaining to Érard can be found in the Trésor des chartes, carton 208.

26. This final codicil was drawn up Wednesday, July 1, 1276, in Paris, AN, J 208, no. 13, and has his seal attached (see figure 14). This document made provision for a sum of money to be paid for the maintenance of the Holy Land, an act that was confirmed in the same year by the king (Philip III) himself at Lorris. We thank Xavier Hélary for sharing his transcription and thoughts on this text by personal communication.

27. See Bastin and Faral, Onze poèmes, 67.

28. See the Account-Inventory, Roll A Front, Part 2: three vernacular books are listed by title “li romanz des Loheranz et li romanz de la terre doutremer et li chaunconns.” There has been much speculation about the contents of the chansonnier that Eudes possessed. Riley-Smith has reiterated David Jacoby’s statement that the volume must have been the songs, or chansons, of Thibaut IV of Navarre, Thibaut le Chansonnier, himself a renowned crusader and the father of Érard’s feudal lord for his fiefs in Champagne, yet this remains unsubstantiated. Such song books took many forms and were not fixed texts, but rather unique compilations. See Paterson, Singing the Crusades; Marisa Galvez, The Subject of Crusade: Lyric, Romance, and Materials, 1150 to 1500 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020); and John Haines, “Aristocratic Patronage and the Cosmopolitan Vernacular Songbook: The Chansonnier du Roi (M-trouv.) and the French Mediterranean,” in Musical Culture in the World of Adam de la Halle, ed. Jennifer Saltstein (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 95–120; for readers of similar volumes, see Judith A. Peraino, “Taking Notae on King and Cleric: Thibaut, Adam, and the Medieval Readers of the Chansonnier de Noailles (T-trouv.),” in Saltstein, Musical Culture, 121–52. Concerning the narrative texts, Folda notes the “ ‘roma[n]z des lo[h]eranz’—probably a work like Garin le Loherain—came from the West, but the ‘romanz de la terre doutremer,’ which was almost certainly a copy of the History of Outremer by William of Tyre, might well have been a codex ordered by the count in Acre … as it was without doubt the most popular work done in Acre in the second half of the thirteenth century.” Jaroslav Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land, from the Third Crusade to the Fall of Acre, 1187–1291 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 357. For the French-language context of Crusader Acre, see Jonathan Rubin, Learning in a Crusader City: Intellectual Activity and Intercultural Exchanges in Acre, 1191–1291 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 70–82. For the Old French translation of William of Tyre’s history in Outremer, see Peter Edbury, “Ernoul, Eracles, and the Collapse of the Kingdom of Jerusalem,” and Philip Handyside, “L’Estoires d’Eracles in Outremer,” both in The French of Outremer: Communities and Communications in the Crusading Mediterranean, ed. Laura K. Morreale and Nicholas L. Paul (New York: Fordham University Press, 2018), 44–67 and 68–85 respectively. There is no way to know if this was simply the French translation of William of Tyre or, as is more likely, a continuation of that text known as the Eracles. We suggest it was probably the latter, or a near contemporary version known as the Ernould-Bernard Eracles.

29. See Roll B Back.

30. For a short biography, see Jonathan Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?, 4th ed. (New York: Palgrave, 2009), 67–73; see also Oeuvres complètes de Rutebeuf, ed. Jubinal, 3: note J, 58–69; Lespinasse, Le Nivernais, 2:272–73; Joinville, VSL, paras. 173, 302 (as a prudhomme knight), 308–12 (protecting Louis as he enters captivity).

31. According to the Templar of Tyre account, Geoffrey was already living and fighting in the East before 1254, and together with a contingent of Templars, they “made camp at Jaffa, and [confirmed] the truce between them and the sultan of Damascus, which gave the Christians Jerusalem and the lands on this side of the river except of Nablus and Jericho.” See TdT, para. 245.

32. Bastin and Faral, Onze poèmes, 19–27.

33. TdT, paras. 297–98.

34. See in the present volume, “La complainte de monseigneur Joffroi de Sergines,” v. 157.

35. See in the present volume, “La nouvele complainte doutremeir,” vv. 124–35; and Bastin and Faral, Onze poèmes, 111–30, at 122–23.

36. Les Registres d’Urbain IV (1261–1264): Recueil des bulles de ce pape publiées ou analysées d’après les manuscrits originaux du Vatican, ed. Jean Guiraud (Paris: Thorin et fils, 1901–58), 2:19, nos. 53–55 (February 13, 1262).

37. TdT, para. 320.

38. See Lower, The Tunis Crusade, 26. It may be that the tent that came into Eudes’s possession from Chastel Pèlerin was salvaged during or after one of these raids. See also TdT, paras. 327–53.

39. See Servois, “Emprunts de Saint Louis.”

40. Alain Demurger uncovered three documents in the AN that shed further light on the family’s debt. See Alain Demurger, “Pour trois mille livres de dette: Geoffroy de Sergines et le temple,” in La présence latine en orient au moyen âge, ed. Ghislain Brunel, Marie-Adélaïde Nielen, and Marie-Paule Arnauld (Paris: C.H.A.N./Champion, 2000), 67–76.

41. The Templar of Tyre notes that Geoffrey and a French contingent of knights, together with Templars, Hospitallers, and some German Teutonic Knights all began raiding the plains outside the city. They were then ambushed by a contingent of Muslim forces from Safad, and the French suffered considerable losses. See TdT, para. 349. The author paints a miserable portrait of the French at this point, and in all likelihood, if Eudes died or was wounded on the battlefield, it may have been in this skirmish in August 1266.

42. Oeuvres complètes de Rutebeuf, ed. Jubinal, 3: note J, 67–68; Jonathan Riley-Smith, “The Crown of France and Acre, 1254–1291,” in France and the Holy Land: Frankish Culture at the End of the Crusades, ed. Daniel H. Weiss and Lisa Mahoney (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 58n23; TdT, para. 368; and “L’Estoire de Eracles,” RHC, 2:457.

43. Jean Dunbabin, Charles I of Anjou (London: Longman, 1998), 59.

44. Demurger, “Pour trois mille livres de dette,” 72–74.

45. Demurger, “Pour trois mille livres de dette,” 74–76.

46. For Marguerite of Burgundy’s patronage in France after her return from Sicily, see Meredith Parsons Lillich, The Queen of Sicily and Gothic Sainted Glass in Mussy and Tonnerre (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998), 76 for the stained glass that could be a reference to the Sergines.

47. Oeuvres complètes de Rutebeuf, ed. Jubinal, 3: note J, 58–69.

48. For comments on Rutebeuf’s writings in the context of crusade and the Latin East, see Galvez, The Subject of Crusade, 186–206. These men also map onto those who were part of the group of knights around the king, his family knights or family of knights (“ses chevaliers familiers” [“familiars sui milites”]). See Hélary, L’Ascension et la chute, 120–21; Paul-Édouard Riant, ed., “Déposition de Charles d’Anjou pour la canonisation de Saint Louis,” in Notices et documents publiés pour la Société de l’Histoire de France à l’occasion du cinquantième anniversaire de sa fondation (Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1884), 155–76; and Jean Dunbabin, “The Household and Entourage of Charles I, King of the Regno, 1266–85,” Historical Research 77 (2004): 313–36.

49. Lespinasse, Le Nivernais, 2:271–72; Chazaud, “Inventaire,” 172–73.

50. See the discussion in the essay below by Richard Leson.

51. For the reconstruction of the Angeran lineage from extant sources, see “Maison d’Angerant,” Terres et Seigneurs en Donziais, July 4, 2021, http://www.terres-et-seigneurs-en-donziais.fr/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/dAngerant.pdf.

52. Lespinasse, Le Nivernais, 2:274–76.

53. In 1265, presumably just before his departure for the east, Eudes attested to an arbitration between “Guillaume de Ligny-le-Châtel, son clerc,” and Hugh de Souilly, a canon of Auxerre. It is possible that this Guillaume would become the count’s chaplain and the two men are one and same. See Ernst Petit, Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne de la race Capétienne (Dijon: Darantière, 1885–1905), 5:256, no. 3459 (1265), citing AD de l’Yonne, H 1214, fonds St.-Marien d’Auxerre.

54. J.-L.-A. Huillard-Breholles and A. Lecoy de La Marche, eds., Titres de la maison ducale de Bourbon (Paris: H. Plon, 1867–74), 1:46–47, no. 221 (August 10, 1241) (le jour de Saint-Laurent, Castellaneta, near Brindisi, in the kingdom of Naples). The editor notes that the document was on cotton paper, in a contemporary (mid-thirteenth-century) Italian hand.

55. There is much debate about what dialects of French were used in Outremer, in the Romance corpus as well as in poetic and lyric texts. Two principal northern French variants emerge, Picard and the French that is used in these texts, that of Champagne-Burgundy, which favors the z over s, and which softens the qu- to c- rather than the hard k-. It is striking to us how similar Rutebeuf’s French is to that of the Account-Inventory. For the ascendant use of French in Outremer at this time, see Jonathan Rubin “Multilingualism and the Attitude toward French in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem,” in Multilingualism and History, ed. Aneta Pavlenko (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023), 123–37.

56. For lists of knights and household retainers as sources, see Hélary, L’armée du roi de France, 95. Numerous examples of similar lists survive, and lists of pay were not uncommon. See for example RHGF, 23:767 and following. It is possible that the rolls were retained in the archives of the duke of Burgundy, and subsequently by the crown, because such lists were useful for administrative purposes.

57. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1; Folda, Crusader Art, 357.

58. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1.

59. Lespinasse, Le Nivernais, 2:274–76, where brief notes are supplied for several of those listed here; Quantin, Recueil, 292–93, no. 601 (June 1261). Gaucher de Merry is listed alongside Gaucher Bridainne, lord of Baissy, Abbot Pierre de Châteux-Censoir, and Estienne Lietard, chanter. The latter could perhaps be our Étienne le Clerc? Ernst Petit notes that Gaucher de Merry was the lord of Merry-sur-Yonne and Bessy (or Baissy?) and the son of Geoffrey de Merry, constable of Romanie, that is, of the Greek Morea. This means that Gaucher would be part of the Villehardouin family in that his grandfather, Ascelin of Merry, from the lordship of Châtel-Censoir, was married to Marie of Villehardouin, daughter of Geoffrey of Villehardouin, who wrote the famed memoir of the Fourth Crusade. On Villehardouin, see Theodore Evergates, Geoffroy of Villehardouin, Marshal of Champagne: His Life and Memoirs of the Fourth Crusade (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2023).

60. On the payment and maintenance of knights, see Hélary, L’armée du roi de France, 39–63.

61. To give some context, the average pay for many baillis in France was approximately 365 lbs. per annum. In short, Eudes’s knights and those associated with him were extremely well paid. For salaries in France at this time, see Joseph R. Strayer, The Administration of Normandy under Saint Louis (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1932), 96–104.

62. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1; Riley-Smith, “The Crown of France and Acre,” 51. For comparison with the amounts Louis IX paid his knights and retainers, see Joseph R. Strayer, “The Crusades of Louis IX,” in Strayer, Medieval Statecraft and the Perspectives of History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971), 166, where he notes that “knights were paid 160 l.t. a year (many received more), and crossbowmen and men-at-arms about 90 l. a year.” See also Joinville’s fees for retaining knights in Acre: Joinville, VSL, paras. 440–41.

63. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1.

64. Lespinasse, Le Nivernais, 2:275.

65. Edition, Roll A Back. For the identities and roles of Salemon de Safforit and Lionnet de Tabarie, see the essay below by Jonathan Rubin.

66. On Jacques Vidal, see the essay by Jonathan Rubin below.

67. Edition, Roll B Front.

68. These purchases are tallied in Roll D Front; see the Edition. Both men, Hugh de Mont-Cornet and Hugh de la Baume, belonged to well-known knightly families in Burgundy. They may have been part of the count’s regiment of fifty knights but not part of his more intimate retinue.

69. See Lower, The Tunis Crusade, 11–41.

70. On such lists and the place of the “hôtel” in the maintenance of knights and their retinues, see Hélary, L’armée du roi de France, 90–94. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1.

71. On “L’affaire Sissy,” see Pierre-Vincent Claverie, L’ordre du Temple en Terre Sainte et à Chypre au XIIIe siècle (Nicosie: Centre de Recherche Scientifique, 2005), 2:140–43.

72. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1; and Claverie, L’ordre du Temple en Terre Sainte, 2:142.

73. The archbishop of Tyre in 1266 was Gilles de Saumur (1253–66), who had been a close confidant of Louis IX and who continued to work closely with the French court in support of Outremer. See Pierre-Vincent Claverie, ed., “De l’entourage royal à l’entourage pontifical: L’exemple méconnu de l’archevêque Gilles de Tyr (d. 1266),” in À l’ombre du pouvoir: Les entourages princiers au moyen âge, ed. Alain Marchandisse and Jean-Louis Kupper (Geneva: Droz, 2003), 57–76; and Lower, The Tunis Crusade, 36–38. The Viscountess of Limoges at this time was Eudes’s older sister, Marguerite, lady of Molinot, who married Guy VI, viscount of Limoges, in 1258 or 1259. This suggests the smaller often hidden networks and connections among family members and their staff and paid servants. For bibliography on Margaret, see the (actually quite excellent) Wikipedia entry, https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marguerite_de_Bourgogne_(morte_en_1277).

74. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1.

75. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1: “escrin”; “por lespicier qui acira le cuer le conte por [um]guelient et por choses quil [i] m[i]st et por sa peine”; “drap qui i estoit dor en fu percez sor le cuer le conte.” See Rutebeuf, “La complainte dou conte Hue de Nevers,” v. 85: “Li ceurs le conte est a Citiaux.”

76. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1.

77. The Templar treasurer is a challenge to identify. This may have been one Bienvenu who was active with Thomas Béraud in 1262. The grand master of the Temple at this time was Thomas Béraud (master from 1256 to 1273). See Jochen Burgtorf, The Central Convent of Hospitallers and Templars: History, Organization, and Personnel (1099/1230–1310) (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 500.

78. Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1, and Roll D Front.

79. Provision in the account in Roll A is made for payments “for the agent who negotiated the loan of 3,000 l. t. that the Hospital lent to the count [Por i corretier qui porchaca lemprunst des iii^m l. tornois que li Opitauz presta le conte xxii b̸ et quart].” Edition, Roll A Front, Part 1.

80. William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), 100–104; A. Sayous, “Les Mandats de saint Louis sur son trésor et le mouvement international des capitaux pendant la septième croisade (1248–1254),” Revue historique 167 (1931): 254–304; and Housley, The Italian Crusades.