List of Abbreviations

Introduction. Why the Fight against Hunger Mattered

1. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 5 July 1791, ff. 84a–85, reel 60, TPP.

2. George H. Clarfield, Timothy Pickering and the American Republic (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1980), chap. 9, esp. 117–19; Alyssa Mt. Pleasant, “Independence for Whom?: Expansion and Conflict in the Northeast and Northwest,” in The World of the Revolutionary American Republic: Land, Labor, and the Conflict for a Continent, ed. Andrew Shankman (New York: Routledge, 2014), 120–21.

3. For early colonists, see Rachel B. Herrmann, “The ‘tragicall historie’: Cannibalism and Abundance in Colonial Jamestown,” William and Mary Quarterly 68, no. 1 (January 2011): 47–74; Michael A. LaCombe, Political Gastronomy: Food and Authority in the English Atlantic World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 90–107. For Native farming, see Jane Mt. Pleasant, “A New Paradigm for Pre-Columbian Agriculture in North America,” Early American Studies 13, no. 2 (Spring 2015): 374–412.

4. Thomas Abler, Cornplanter: Chief Warrior of the Allegany Seneca (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2007), 1–2.

5. I have drawn on several versions of this creation story, relying most on the one recorded by John Norton (an adopted Mohawk member of the Iroquois) in the early nineteenth century because I assume it is the one Pickering might have known. Norton was the nephew of Mohawk Joseph Brant, and Pickering would come to work extensively with the Iroquois, though it must be acknowledged that Norton wrote most of his version after 1810. For Norton’s telling, see The Journal of Major John Norton, 1816, ed. Carl F. Klinck and James J. Talman (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1970), 88–91; Jeffrey Glover, “Going to War on the Back of a Turtle: Creation Stories and the Laws of War in John Norton’s Journal,” Early American Literature 51, no. 3 (2016): 599–622, esp. 600. For others, see “The Iroquois Creation Story,” in The Norton Anthology of American Literature, 5th ed., ed. Nina Baym (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), 23–27; Demus Elm and Harvey Antone, The Oneida Creation Story, trans. and ed. Floyd G. Lounsbury and Brian Gick (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 8–9 (for Norton, and comparisons to Huron takes on the myth), 11–27 (for a comparison of the different accounts), 17 (for variant spellings of the twins’ names), 30–61 (for an Oneida-language interpretation of the myth); Anthony Wonderley, Oneida Iroquois Folklore, Myth, and History: New York Oral Narrative from the Notes of H. E. Allen and Others (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2004), xix (for myths as genre), 57 (for French versions), 62–68 (for a 1915 account by James Dean).

6. For hunger experienced by Spartans in the Ancient World, see Rachel Laudan, Cuisine and Empire: Cooking in World History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), 65. For hunger endured by female saints, see Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 2, 5. For famine, see Cormac Ó Gráda, Famine: A Short History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009), 6–7; David Meredith and Deborah Oxley, “Food and Fodder: Feeding England, 1700–1900,” Past & Present 222, no. 1 (February 2014): 163–214, esp. 213.

7. Frederick Haldimand to Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton, Quebec, 29 September 1780, ff. 146–47, Add. MS 21764, BL. For the Revolution as a disaster for Indians, see Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1972), viii; Colin G. Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in North American Communities (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 108; Timothy Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy on the Early American Frontier (New York: Viking, 2008), 192–93. For interpretations of change as a positive force in Native communities, usually during eras before the American Revolution, see Kurt A. Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 1715–1754: An Iroquois Local Political Economy (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008), 18, 318; David L. Preston, The Texture of Contact: European and Indian Settler Communities on the Frontiers of Iroquoia, 1667–1783 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 13; Jon Parmenter, The Edge of the Woods: Iroquoia, 1534–1701 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2010), xxix, xxxii–xxxiii. For limits on the experience of black revolutionaries, see Trevor Burnard, “Empire Matters? The Historiography of Imperialism in Early America, 1492–1830,” History of European Ideas 33 (2007): 87–107, esp. 105; Manisha Sinha, “To ‘Cast Just Obliquy’ on Oppressors: Black Radicalism in the Age of Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly 64, no. 1 (January 2007): 149–60, esp. 150.

8. Amanda Moniz, From Empire to Humanity: The American Revolution and the Origins of Humanitarianism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), esp. 171.

9. Henry Knox to Anthony Wayne, War Department, 21 June 1794, f. 23, vol. XXVI, Anthony Wayne Papers, HSP. Recent scholarship on the American Revolution disagrees about whether it is characterized more by continuity or by change. For continuity, see Jessica Choppin Roney, “1776, Viewed from the West,” Journal of the Early Republic 37, no. 4 (Winter 2017): 655–700, esp. 659; Serena R. Zabin, “Conclusion: Writing to and from the Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly 74, no. 4 (October 2017): 753–64, esp. 757. For arguments in favor of change and continuity, see Alan Taylor, “Introduction: Expand or Die: The Revolution’s New Empire,” William and Mary Quarterly 74, no. 4 (October 2017): 619–32, esp. 619, 621; Paul A. Gilje, “Commerce and Conquest in Early American Foreign Relations, 1750–1850,” Journal of the Early Republic 37, no. 4 (Winter 2017): 735–70, esp. 736.

10. For a similar point about periodization, see Taylor, “Introduction: Expand or Die,” 619; Michael A. McDonnell and David Waldstreicher, “Revolution in the Quarterly? A Historiographical Analysis,” William and Mary Quarterly 74, no. 4 (October 2017): 633–66, esp. 657; Alyssa Mt. Pleasant, Caroline Wigginton, and Kelly Wisecup, “Materials and Methods in Native American and Indigenous Studies: Completing the Turn,” William and Mary Quarterly 75, no. 2 (April 2018): 207–36, esp. 227. See also Shaun Tougher, “Periodization,” in A Practical Guide to Studying History: Skills and Approaches, ed. Tracey Loughran (London: Bloomsbury, 2017), 31–45.

11. As late as 1993, the Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations paid little attention to Indians, beginning instead with a discussion of George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson and the postrevolutionary foreign policy they envisioned while facing east across the Atlantic. That volume refers to thirteen treaties that the U.S. signed with European powers between 1789 and 1815, overlooking at least sixteen additional treaties between Native Americans and the U.S. government between 1784 and 1814. Although the new 2013 edition incorporates Native American history, it is still unusual to consider Native affairs foreign affairs after the 1795 Treaty of Greenville. The newest Cambridge history of U.S. foreign relations talks briefly about Indians’ involvement in the War of 1812 and their meeting with Andrew Jackson in 1814, but largely passes over the period between 1795 and the 1820s. Bradford Perkins, The Creation of a Republican Empire, 1776–1865, vol. 1, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Warren I. Cohen (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 1–6, 77 (for the thirteen treaties); William Earl Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire, 1754–1865, vol. 1, The New Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Warren I. Cohen (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013), chap. 3. For two important works that do treat Native American affairs as foreign affairs, see Brian DeLay, “Indian Polities, Empire, and the History of American Foreign Relations,” Diplomatic History 39, no. 5 (November 2015): 927–42; Gilje, “Commerce and Conquest in Early American Foreign Relations.”

12. For misinterpretations, see for example the assertion that the founders “neither wanted nor expected the new government to make many treaties,” the claim that the British refused aid to Native Americans after the Battle of Foreign Timbers, or the characterization of the 1780s as a hungry period of chaos for weakened Native nations. Perkins, The Creation of a Republican Empire, 74 (quote), 77; Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire, 57 (for Fallen Timbers); Alan Taylor, “ ‘The Hungry Year’: 1789 on the Northern Border of Revolutionary America,” in Dreadful Visitations: Confronting Natural Catastrophe in the Age of Enlightenment, ed. Alessa Johns (New York: Routledge, 1999), 145–81 (for the 1780s).

13. For this imperial turn in colonial history, see Trevor Burnard, “Empire Matters?” 87–107; J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492–1830 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007). For the American Revolution, see Perkins, The Creation of a Republican Empire; Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire; Taylor, “Introduction: Expand or Die”; McDonnell and Waldstreicher, “Revolution in the Quarterly?” 662; Zabin, “Conclusion: Writing to and from the Revolution,” 757; Gilje, “Commerce and Conquest in Early American Foreign Relations,” 749; Roney, “1776, Viewed from the West”; A. G. Hopkins, American Empire: A Global History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018), esp. 192–93. For settler colonialism, see Jürgen Osterhammel, Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview, trans. Shelley L. Frisch (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1997), esp. 6–7, 42; Patrick Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (December 2006): 387–409; Jack P. Greene, “Colonial History and National History: Reflections on a Continuing Problem,” William and Mary Quarterly 64, no. 2 (April 2007): 235–50, esp. 237–39; Jon Parmenter, “After the Mourning Wars: The Iroquois as Allies in Colonial North American Campaigns, 1676–1760,” William and Mary Quarterly 64, no. 1 (January 2007): 39–76, esp. 40. For the Sullivan campaign, see chapter 2 of this book.

14. Gordon S. Wood, Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 357–99; Eliga H. Gould, Among the Powers of the Earth: The American Revolution and the Making of a New World Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), 1–13; Bethel Saler, The Settlers’ Empire: Colonialism and State Formation in America’s Old Northwest (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014). For the argument that this turn toward empire was revolutionary, see McDonnell and Waldstreicher, “Revolution in the Quarterly?” 662. For the Northwest Ordinance, see Andrew Shankman, “Toward a Social History of Federalism: The State and Capitalism to and from the American Revolution,” Journal of the Early Republic 37, no. 4 (Winter 2017): 615–53, esp. 630; Roney, “1776, Viewed from the West,” 660.

15. On land losses, see Stuart Banner, How the Indians Lost Their Land: Law and Power on the Frontier (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005), esp. chap. 4.

16. On settler colonialism, land, and sedentary non-Natives, see Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 387, 393, 395. On the need to move beyond studies of land seizures, see Katherine A. Hermes, “Native Americans, the Colonial Encounter, and the Law of Harm, 1600–1787,” in Justice without the State within the State: Judicial Self-Regulation, ed. Peter Colin (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Vittorio Klostermann, 2016), 266. On scholars’ failures to consistently define settler colonialism, see Frederick E. Hoxie, “Retrieving the Red Continent: Settler Colonialism and the History of American Indians in the US,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 31, no. 6 (2008): 1153–67, esp. 1158. On settled Indians, see James H. Merrell, “Second Thoughts on Colonial Historians and American Indians,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 3 (July 2012): 451–512, esp. 473.

17. For typologies of settler colonialism, see Osterhammel, Colonialism, 10, 20–22. For foreign policy, see Daniel H. Usner, “ ‘A Savage Feast They Made of It’: John Adams and the Paradoxical Origins of Federal Indian Policy,” Journal of the Early Republic 33, no. 4 (Winter 2013): 607–41, esp. 623–24; DeLay, “Indian Polities, Empire, and the History of American Foreign Relations.”

18. On mercantilism, see Steve Pincus, “Rethinking Mercantilism: Political Economy, the British Empire, and the Atlantic World in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 1 (January 2012): 3–34, esp. 17. On free trade, mercantilism, and the ambiguity of definitions during this time, see Gilje, “Commerce and Conquest in Early American Foreign Relations,” Journal of the Early Republic 37, no. 4 (Winter 2017): 735–70, esp. 735–36 (for definitions), and 745–46 (for free trade); Staughton Lynd and David Waldstreicher, “Free Trade, Sovereignty, and Slavery: Toward an Economic Interpretation of American Independence,” William and Mary Quarterly 68, no. 4 (October 2011): 597–630, esp. 603. For the postwar period, see Kathy D. Matson and Peter S. Onuf, A Union of Interests: Political and Economic Thought in Revolutionary America (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1990), 4 (for tensions), 38 (for price- and wage-fixing); Alfred E. Eckes, Jr., Opening America’s Market: U.S. Foreign Trade Policy since 1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 2, 26 (for protectionism), 10 (for external tariffs and export duties). For an argument that considers Indian policy but not Indian trade after the early 1790s, see Gilje, “Commerce and Conquest in Early American Foreign Relations,” esp. 737.

19. On slavery and the Empire of Liberty, see John Craig Hammond, “Slavery, Settlement, and Empire: The Expansion and Growth of Slavery in the Interior of the North American Continent, 1770–1820,” Journal of the Early Republic 32, no. 2 (Summer 2012): 175–206; Wood, Empire of Liberty, xv, 2–3, 639.

20. For overviews of food in American history, see Richard J. Hooker, Food and Drink in America: A History (New York: Bobbs-Merill, 1981); Evan Jones, American Food: The Gastronomic Story (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1975); Waverly Lewis Root and Richard de Rochemont, Eating in America: A History (New York: William Morrow, 1976). For representative single-commodity histories, see Mark Kurlansky, Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World (New York: Penguin, 1998); Kurlansky, Salt: A World History (New York: Penguin, 2003); and the extensive series on single-commodity foodstuffs published by Reaktion Books Ltd. For an assessment of these works, see Kyla Wazana Tompkins, Racial Indigestion: Eating Bodies in the 19th Century (New York: New York University Press, 2012), 2.

21. For power, see Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Viking Press, 1985); Psyche A. Williams-Forson, Building Houses out of Chicken Legs: Black Women, Food, and Power (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006). For the eighteenth century, see Peter Thompson, Rum Punch and Revolution: Taverngoing and Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999); James E. McWilliams, A Revolution in Eating: How the Quest for Food Shaped America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005). For the colonial period, see Sally Smith Booth, Hung, Strung, and Potted: A History of Eating in Colonial America (New York: Clarkson N. Potter, 1971); Robert Appelbaum, “Hunger in Early Virginia: Indians and English Facing Off over Excess, Want, and Need,” in Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World, ed. Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 195–216; Marcy Norton, Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Atlantic World (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008); Trudy Eden, The Early American Table: Food and Society in the New World (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2008); Sarah Hand Meacham, Every Home a Distillery: Alcohol, Gender, and Technology in the Colonial Chesapeake (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009); David Hancock, Oceans of Wine: Madeira and the Emergence of American Trade and Taste (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009); LaCombe, Political Gastronomy. Environmental historians who have written about the colonial period have also discussed foodstuffs before and after the arrival of Europeans in North America. See Alfred W. Crosby Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972); William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983); Timothy Silver, A New Face on the Countryside: Indians, Colonists, and Slaves in South Atlantic Forests, 1500–1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990). For the nineteenth century, see Sam Bowers Hilliard, Hog Meat and Hoecake: Food Supply in the Old South, 1840–1860 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1972); Joseph R. Conlin, Bacon, Beans, and Galantines: Food and Foodways on the Western Mining Frontier (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1986); Stephen Nissenbaum, Sex, Diet, and Debility in Jacksonian America: Sylvester Graham and Health Reform (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980); Adam D. Shprintzen, The Vegetarian Crusade: The Rise of an American Reform Movement, 1817–1921 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013). For the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Laura Shapiro, Perfection Salad: Women and Cooking at the Turn of the Century (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1986); Harvey A. Levenstein, Revolution at the Table: The Transformation of the American Diet (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Donna R. Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998); Hasia Diner, Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish Foodways in the Age of Migration (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001). For the First and Second World Wars, see Richard Pillsbury, No Foreign Food: The American Diet in Time and Place (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998); Lizzie Collingham, The Taste of War: World War II and the Battle for Food (New York: Penguin Books, 2012). For the Cold War, see Kristin L. Ahlberg, “ ‘Machiavelli with a Heart’: The Johnson Administration’s Food for Peace Program in India, 1965–1966,” Diplomatic History 31, no. 4 (September 2007): 665–701; Ahlberg, Transplanting the Great Society: Lyndon Johnson and Food for Peace (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2008); Nick Cullather, The Hungry World: America’s Cold War Battle against Poverty in Asia (New York: Harvard University Press, 2010); Alexander Poster, “The Gentle War: Famine Relief, Politics, and Privatization in Ethiopia, 1983–1986,” Diplomatic History 36, no. 2 (April 2012): 399–425. For exceptions—histories of food that do focus on hunger—see the scholarship on food riots discussed in chapters 6 and 8.

22. Ó Gráda, Famine; Ó Gráda, Eating People Is Wrong, and Other Essays on Famine, Its Past, and Its Future (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015) (for a general study); Carla Cevasco, “Hunger Knowledges and Cultures in New England’s Borderlands, 1675–1770,” Early American Studies 16, no. 2 (Spring 2018): 255–81 (for the colonial period); James Vernon, Hunger: A Modern History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 273–74 (for the nineteenth century); Nick Cullather, “The Foreign Policy of the Calorie,” American Historical Review 112, no. 2 (April 2007): 337–64; Cullather, The Hungry World (for the twentieth). See also B. J. B. Krupadanam, Food Diplomacy: A Case Study, Indo-US Relations (New Delhi: Lancers Books, 1985), 16.

23. Mary Black-Rogers, “Varieties of ‘Starving’: Semantics and Survival in the Subarctic Fur Trade, 1750–1850,” Ethnohistory 33, no. 4 (Autumn 1986): 353–83.

24. For definitions, see Paul Rockower, “The State of Gastrodiplomacy,” Public Diplomacy Magazine 11 (2014): 13–17, esp. 14. For later periods, see Ahlberg, “ ‘Machiavelli with a Heart’ ”; Ahlberg, Transplanting the Great Society; Poster, “The Gentle War.” For gastronomy, see Oxford English Dictionary Online, search under “gastronomy, n.,” and “culinary, adj.,” accessed August 22, 2015, http://oed.com.

25. White officials often looked at white soldiers’ rations as a baseline for thinking about other forms of food diplomacy—though it must be admitted that when commissaries planned to obtain rations to fill empty bellies, they often failed to get them. A British ration, which suppliers figured by the week, consisted in theory of seven pounds of bread (or seven pounds of flour), seven pounds of beef (or four pounds of pork), six ounces of butter (or eight ounces of cheese), three pints of peas, and half a pound of rice (or oatmeal). Sometimes the British army dispensed peas in lieu of oatmeal, rather than peas in addition to oatmeal. Britons included spruce beer as a safeguard against scurvy. The American ration was similar but also varied in a few ways. Some states calculated their ration by the day, rather than by the week. A white private named Joseph Plumb Martin, who fought for the American rebels, stated that he and other enlistees “were promised … one pound of good and wholesome fresh or salt beef, or three fourths of a pound of good salt pork, a pound of good flour, soft or hard bread, a quart of salt to every hundred pounds of fresh beef, a quart of vinegar to a hundred rations, [and] a gill of rum, brandy, or whiskey per day.” Martin’s ration slightly exceeded the British one for pork and made mention of other commodities such as salt and rum—the last two of which were definitely included in British planning but which commissaries dealt with separately from food rations. In addition, men were supposed to receive milk rather than cheese, as well as spruce beer or cider. Americans enjoyed more flexibility depending on the region in which they fought; Georgians were allowed a substitution of a pound of salt fish for beef or pork, and beans or vegetables for peas. This information is compiled from a few separate contracts. For the ration, see Treasury Contract with Arnold Nesbitt, Adam Drummond, and Moses Franks, 2 April 1776, vol. 4, no. 24, photostat 153, box 1, BHQP; John Robinson to Arnold Nesbitt, Adam Drummond, Moses Franks, John Henniker, William Devaynes, and George Wombell, Whitehall, 17 April 1778, vol. 2, no. 122, photostat 1103, box 5, BHQP; John Robinson to Messrs. Nesbitt, Drummond, and Franks, Treasury Chambers, 7 November 1778, vol. 33, no. 56, photostat 1534, box 7, BHQP. For spruce beer, see John Robinson to General Howe, Whitehall, Treasury Chambers, 10 August 1776, vol. 4, no. 46, photostat 238, box 2, BHQP; John Robinson to Gen. Sir William Howe, Whitehall, Treasury Chambers, 22 October 1776, vol. 4, no. 52, photostat 292, box 2, BHQP. For Martin’s ration, see Joseph Plumb Martin, Ordinary Courage: The Revolutionary Adventures of Joseph Plumb Martin, 2nd ed., ed. James Kirby Martin (St. James, NY: Brandywine Press, 1999), 164. For Georgia, see Georgia Council of Safety minutes, 26 June 1776, folder “Volume 3: Minutes, Aug. 1776–Feb. 1777,” MS 0282, GHS.

26. William N. Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Confederacy (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 7 (for forest diplomacy). For alcohol, see Peter C. Mancall, Deadly Medicine: Indians and Alcohol in Early America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995); Maia Conrad, “Disorderly Drinking: Reconsidering Seventeenth-Century Iroquois Alcohol Abuse,” American Indian Quarterly 23, no. 3/4 (Summer–Autumn 1999): 1–11; Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 310, 315–16, 345.

27. John Grenier, The First Way of War: American War Making on the Frontier, 1607–1814 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 24 (“feedfight”); Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 213 (“warfare against vegetables”).

28. For formal and informal imperialism, see John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, “The Imperialism of Free Trade,” The Economic History Review 6, no. 1 (1953): 1–15.

29. For a discussion of Englishness versus Britishness during the early modern period, see Jessica S. Hower, “ ‘… And greedily deuoured them’: The Cannibalism Discourse and the Creation of a British Atlantic World, 1536–1612,” in To Feast on Us as Their Prey: Cannibalism and the Early Modern Atlantic, ed. Rachel B. Herrmann (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2019), 245n5. For gifts, see C. M. Woolgar, “Gifts of Food in Late Medieval England,” Journal of Medieval History 37, no. 1 (2011): 6–18; Felicity Heal, The Power of Gifts: Gift Exchange in Early Modern England (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2014).

30. For Ireland, see Wayne E. Lee, Barbarians and Brothers: Anglo-American Warfare, 1500–1865 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 34, 95, 191; Grenier, The First Way of War, 102–3. For animals, see Virginia DeJohn Anderson, Creatures of Empire: How Domestic Animals Transformed Early America (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2004), 177–8, 190.

31. On the enclosure movement, which restructured land use in England, see E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London: Penguin Books, 2013 [1963]), 217. In Scotland, see work on the Highland clearances, such as Robert Dodgshon, “The Clearances and the Transformation of the Scottish Countryside,” in The Oxford Handbook of Modern Scottish History, ed. T. M. Devine and Jenny Wormald (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 130–58, esp. 131. The enclosure movement altered food production in terms of grazing, gleaning, and livestock-rearing practices. For grazing and livestock, see Leigh Shaw-Taylor, “Labourers, Cows, Common Rights and Parliamentary Enclosure: The Evidence of Contemporary Comment c. 1760–1810,” Past and Present 171, no. 1 (May 2001): 95–126, esp. 95–96. For gleaning, see Peter King, “Gleaners, Farmers and the Failure of Legal Sanctions in England 1750–1850,” Past and Present 125, no. 1 (November 1989): 116–50, esp. 118. For livestock, see also Emma Hart, “From Field to Plate: The Colonial Livestock Trade and the Development of an American Economic Culture,” William and Mary Quarterly 73, no. 1 (January 2016): 107–40, esp. 124. The clearances changed grazing and cattle- and sheep-rearing. See Dodgshon, “The Clearances and the Transformation of the Scottish Countryside,” 144 (for grazing), 146 (for sheep). For barbarians, see Nicholas P. Canny, “The Ideology of English Colonization: From Ireland to America,” William and Mary Quarterly 30, no. 4 (October 1973): 575–98, esp. 596. For pigs, see Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 236.

32. On this relationship, see Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire: The Covenant Chain Confederation of Indian Tribes with English Colonies from its beginnings to the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1984), 314.

33. This shift to treating Indian affairs as domestic instead of foreign occurred as a result of the Marshall Trilogy of Supreme Court decisions in the 1820s and 1830s. In Johnson v. M’Intosh (1823), Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831), and Worcester v. Georgia (1832), the Supreme Court first claimed that Native Americans were “heathens” whose improper use of land legitimized the transfer of land title from Natives to non-Natives, then made Cherokees into a “domestic dependent nation,” and then definitively transferred control of Indian relations to the federal government. In Patrick Wolfe’s interpretation, this turn from the foreign and external to the domestic and internal began with the trilogy, but concluded much later, with the closing of the frontier in the late nineteenth century. Patrick Wolfe, “After the Frontier: Separation and Absorption in US Indian Policy,” Settler Colonial Studies 1, no. 1 (2011): 13–51, esp. 13, 15–16. On the Supreme Court, see Gilje, “Commerce and Conquest in Early American Foreign Relations,” 765.

34. Daniel K. Richter, Trade, Land, Power: The Struggle for Eastern North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 42–43 (for Indians’ thoughts); Jill Lepore, The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identities (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), 46 (for historians’ methods); Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), xxi (for a similar point about interpreting behavior).

35. For primary source collections, see Documents of the American Revolution: 1770–1783, ed. K. G. Davies (Shannon: Irish University Press, 1972–1981), 21 vols.; The Papers of Henry Laurens, ed. David R. Chestnutt (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1968–2002), 16 vols.; The Papers of Sir William Johnson, ed. James Sullivan (Albany: University of the State of New York, 1921–1965), 14 vols. For the British Navy, see Roger Knight and Martin Wilcox, Sustaining the Fleet, 1793–1815: War, the British Navy and the Contractor State (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2010); Janet MacDonald, Feeding Nelson’s Navy: The True Story of Food at Sea in the Georgian Era (London: Frontline Books, 2014); Christopher L. Pastore, Between Land and Sea: The Atlantic Coast and the Transformation of New England (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), esp. 183, 190.

36. On the importance of words in early Americanist scholarship, see Merrell, “Second Thoughts,” esp. 473–77. I acknowledge Joel Martin’s argument that the term “Creek” was an externally imposed name. However, I agree with Angela Pulley Hudson’s point that by the 1790s the Creeks were “increasingly defining themselves as a nation and defending their sovereign rights as such” (emphasis original). Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), 6–8; Angela Pulley Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads: Indians, Settlers, and Slaves and the Making of the American South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 8, 91. For loyalty, see Edward G. Gray, “Liberty’s Losers,” William and Mary Quarterly 70, no. 1 (January 2013): 184–89, esp. 186.

37. Barry Cahill, “The Black Loyalist Myth in Atlantic Canada,” Acadiensis XXIX, no. 1 (Autumn 1999): esp. para. 3, 8, accessed December 31, 2015, http://journals.hil.unb.ca/index.php/acadiensis/article/view/10801/11587.

1. Hunger, Accommodation, and Violence in Colonial America

1. Alex White to George Croghan, Winchester, 30 August 1773, folder 38, box 203, Cadwalader Family Papers, Collection 1454, HSP (quote); Patrick Griffin, American Leviathan: Empire, Nation, and Revolutionary Frontier (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007), 19–20 (for this exchange); Nick Popper, “Nick Popper, BRE,” Uncommon Sense: The Blog, 26 July 2017, accessed July 31, 2017, http://blog.oieahc.wm.edu/nick-popper-bre/ (for more on Robertson); Michael N. McConnell, A Country Between: The Upper Ohio Valley and Its Peoples, 1724–1774 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), 40, 126 (for Croghan). See also Michael J. Mullin, “Croghan, George,” American National Biography Online, accessed June 1, 2014, http://www.anb.org/articles/02/02–00362.html.

2. For helpless hunger, see Michael A. LaCombe, Political Gastronomy: Food and Authority in the English Atlantic World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 169. See also Mary Black-Rogers, “Varieties of ‘Starving’: Semantics and Survival in the Subarctic Fur Trade, 1750–1850,” Ethnohistory 33, no. 4 (Autumn 1986): 353–83.

3. For forest diplomacy, see William N. Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Confederacy (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 7. Although recent work underscores the importance of intention in the Illinois Country, this book is less focused on the Illinois region and so hews to the idea of misunderstandings. On creative misunderstandings, see Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), xii–xiii, xxvi. On intentional cooperation, see Robert Michael Morrissey, Empire by Collaboration: Indians, Colonists, and Governments in Colonial Illinois County (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), 9. On creative misunderstandings and food, see LaCombe, Political Gastronomy, 70.

4. Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, or, Principles of the Law of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns, with Three Early Essays on the Origin and Nature of Natural Law and on Luxury, ed. Béla Kapossy and Richard Whatmore (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, Inc., 2008), viii, 551 (quote). For background on Vattel, see Wayne E. Lee, Barbarians and Brothers: Anglo-American Warfare, 1500–1865 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 188–91.

5. Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse, 4 (for Deganawidah and the Iroquois League), 86n3 (for the principles of the League), 95 (for the concepts of the League); José Antonio Brandão, “ ‘Your fyre shall burn no more’: Iroquois Policy towards New France and Her Native Allies to 1701” (PhD diss., York University, 1994), 130–31n116 (for Deganawidah).

6. For this neutrality policy, see Jon Parmenter, “After the Mourning Wars: The Iroquois as Allies in Colonial North American Campaigns, 1676–1760,” William and Mary Quarterly 64, no. 1 (January 2007): 39–76, esp. 40, 46, 51. For Gayaneshagowa and Guswenta, see Alyssa Mt. Pleasant, “Independence for Whom?: Expansion and Conflict in the Northeast and Northwest,” in The World of the Revolutionary American Republic: Land, Labor, and the Conflict for a Continent, ed. Andrew Shankman (New York: Routledge, 2014), 120; Alyssa Mt. Pleasant, “Guiding Principles: Guswenta and the Debate over Formal Schooling at Buffalo Creek, 1800–1811” in Indian Subjects: Hemispheric Perspectives on the History of Indigenous Education, ed. Brenda J. Child and Brian Klopotek (Santa Fe, NM: SAR Press, 2014), 115.

7. For mourning wars and ceremonies, see Daniel K. Richter, “War and Culture: The Iroquois Experience,” William and Mary Quarterly 40, no. 4 (October 1983): 528–59, esp. 531–32; Daniel K. Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 39–41; Matthew Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape of Peace: Iroquois-European Encounters in Seventeenth-Century America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), 79; Parmenter, “After the Mourning Wars,” 46; Nancy L. Hagedorn, “ ‘With the Air and Gesture of an Orator’: Council Oratory, Translation and Cultural Mediation during Anglo-Iroquois Treaty Conference, 1690–1774,” in New Trends in Translation and Cultural Identity, ed. Micaela Muñoz-Calvo, Carmen Bueso-Gómez, and M. Ángeles Ruiz-Moneva (Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008), 35–36. On meetings, see Hagedorn, “ ‘With the Air and Gesture of an Orator,’ ” 35; Timothy J. Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy on the Early American Frontier (New York: Viking, 2008), 78–102. For calumets, eagle tails, and metaphors, see Christopher M. Parsons, “Natives, Newcomers, and Nicotania: Tobacco in the History of the Great Lakes Region,” in French and Indians in the Heart of North America, ed. Robert Englebert and Guillaume Teasdale (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2013), 21–41; Nancy Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness: Becoming Red and White in Eighteenth-Century North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 66; Jane T. Merritt, At the Crossroads: Indians and Empires on a Mid-Atlantic Frontier, 1700–1763 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 214; Merritt, “Metaphor, Meaning, and Misunderstanding: Language and Power on the Pennsylvania Frontier,” in Contact Points: American Frontiers from the Mohawk Valley to the Mississippi, 1750–1830, ed. Andrew R. L. Cayton and Fredrika J. Teute (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 60–87.

8. Conference with Cayugas, Johnson Hall, 18 February 1770, PSWJ, vol. 12, 778 (quote). For Onontio, see White, The Middle Ground, xxvii, 36. For Dutch, English, and French motivations, see Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape of Peace, 9, 124–25 (for brothers), 268–69; Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy, 43. For the Covenant Chain, see Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse, esp. 136–38. For Iroquois-Dutch relationships, see Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire: The Covenant Chain Confederation of Indian Tribes with English Colonies from Its Beginnings to the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1984), 55.

9. For paths, see Angela Pulley Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads: Indians, Settlers, and Slaves and the Making of the American South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 12; Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness, 9. For nakedness, see Tom Hatley, The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 10. For hatchets, see [Indian council at Pittsburgh], 4 November 1776, f. 25, folder 9, box 204, Cadwalader Family Papers, HSP; Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness, 9. For Mahicans, see “Captain Hendrick’s narrative of his journey in July, August, September, and October 1791,” f. 11, reel 59, TPP. For Onondagas, see “At a Meeting of the Commissioners for Indian Affairs in the Northern Department,” Albany, 15 August 1778, folder 57, box 23, PSP. For Atkin, see [Minutes of the Negotiations between Edmond Atkin, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Southern Department, and Haigler, King of the Catawba], James Town Ferry, Virginia, 18 and 19 May 1757, HM 3992, HL.

10. On wampum, see Michael K. Foster, “Another Look at the Function of Wampum in Iroquois-White Councils,” in The History and Culture of Iroquois Diplomacy: An Interdisciplinary Guide to the Treaties of the Six Nations and Their League, ed. Francis Jennings, William N. Fenton, Mary A. Druke, and David R. Miller (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1985), 99–114; Nancy L. Hagedorn, “ ‘A Friend to go between Them’: The Interpreter as Cultural Broker During Anglo-Iroquois Councils, 1740–70,” Ethnohistory 35, no. 1 (Winter, 1988): 60–80, esp. 66–67; Merritt, At the Crossroads, 210; Ian K. Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 89; Andrew Lipman, The Saltwater Frontier: Indians and the Contest for the American Coast (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2015), 30, 105–9; Christopher L. Pastore, Between Land and Sea: The Atlantic Coast and the Transformation of New England (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 7, 15, 30, 33; Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness, 65, 74. On speechmaking, see Carolyn Eastman, A Nation of Speechifiers: Making an American Public after the Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009). For Johnson and the belts, see Sir William Johnson to [General] Thomas Gage, Johnson Hall, 13 November 1768, PSWJ, vol. 12, 636.

11. Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness, 43 (for medals); Hatley, The Dividing Paths, xiii, 194 (for Keowee); “Memorandom of necessaries Wanting to Transport Indian Goods to Pittsburgh and Build a Store House there,” Fort Loudon, 27 January 1759, f. 32, Add. MS 21655, BL (“a piece” and “Horse Shoes”); [Captain Abraham] Bosomworth, “Calculations of the Expence of Indian Warriors for their Service during the Campaign,” Camp at Rays Town, 23 July 1758, f. 15, Add. MS 21655, BL (for the report). On giving trade goods to procure military service, see John Clarke, Land, Power, and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 95.

12. Seth Mallios, The Deadly Politics of Giving: Exchange and Violence at Ajacan, Roanoke, and Jamestown (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2006), 25–27, 29, 30 (“something-for-nothing”), 32 (“something-for-something”). See also Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. W. D. Halls (London: Routledge, 1990), ix; Natalie Zemon Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2000); Joseph M. Hall Jr., Zamumo’s Gifts: Indian-European Exchange in the Colonial Southeast (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 7; Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), 28.

13. Alan Taylor, American Colonies: The Settling of North America (New York: Penguin, 2001), 96 (for sealing alliances). For fur traders, see Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of the Hudson Bay, 1660–1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975); Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978); Neal Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500–1643 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982); Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983); White, The Middle Ground, 96, 104. For payment, see Mary A. Druke, “Iroquois Treaties: Common Forms, Varying Interpretations,” The History and Culture of Iroquois Diplomacy, 93–94.

14. Gail D. MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements: Iroquois Change and Persistence on the Frontiers of Empire (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 34 (on demands for specific goods), 89 (for playing imperial powers off of each other), 103 (“pitied”); “Heads of the Speech to be given to the Head Warriors of the Cherokees and Catawba,” n.d., f. 278, Add. MS 21655, BL (“large presents” and “Campaign”).

15. For Powhatan and kinship relationships, see Captain John Smith: A Select Edition of His Writings, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 172–3; Daniel K. Richter, Trade, Land, Power: The Struggle for Eastern North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 3, 6, 35. For gift redistribution, see Neal Salisbury, “The Indians’ Old World: Native Americans and the Coming of Europeans,” William and Mary Quarterly 53, no. 3 (July 1996): 435–58, esp. 437; Eric Hinderaker, Elusive Empires: Constructing Colonialism in the Ohio Valley, 1673–1800 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 77; James H. Merrell, Into the American Woods: Negotiators on the Pennsylvania Frontier (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), 98; Cameron B. Wesson, Households and Hegemony: Early Creek Prestige Goods, Symbolic Capital, and Social Power (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008), 72, 93, 135. For the Dutch and the French, see Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape of Peace, 125, 168, 178, 193; White, The Middle Ground, xxvii; Richter, Trade, Land, Power, 6. For Johnson’s correspondent, see Myndert Wempel to William Johnson, 22 November 1755, PSWJ, vol. 2, 326.

16. Helen Caister Robinson, “Molly Brant: Mohawk Heroine,” in Eleven Exiles: Accounts of Loyalists of the American Revolution, ed. Phyllis R. Blakeley and John N. Grant (Toronto: Dundurn Press Limited, 1982), 118 (for Johnson’s Iroquois name); Gail MacLeitch, “Sir William Johnson (1715–1774),” in The Human Tradition in the Atlantic World, 1500–1850, ed. Karen Racine and Beatriz G. Mamigonian (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010), 88 (for his dress and eating habits), 92 (for his spending); MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 55 (for kinship). See also Daniel K. Richter, “Johnson, Sir William, first baronet (1715?–1774),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, accessed July 9, 2017, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14925.

17. Captain Bosomworth to Colonel Bouquet, n.p. [probably Ray’s Town], 18 June 1758, f. 12, Add. MS 21655, BL.

18. On the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Mallios, The Deadly Politics of Giving; LaCombe, Political Gastronomy; Normand Mac Leod to Sir William Johnson, Ontario, 13 October 1766, PSWJ, vol. 12, 208 (quote); “Memorandum of Indian Presents,” 29 March 1759, PSWJ, vol. 3, 23; Elisabeth Tooker, “The Iroquois White Dog Sacrifice in the Latter Part of the Eighteenth Century,” Ethnohistory 12, no. 2 (1965): 129–40 (for dogs); Thomas S. Abler, “Iroquois Cannibalism: Fact Not Fiction,” Ethnohistory 27, no. 4 (1980): 309–16 (for cannibalism); Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1972), 10 (for nuts and berries). For alcohol, see Peter C. Mancall, Deadly Medicine: Indians and Alcohol in Early America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995); Maia Conrad, “Disorderly Drinking: Reconsidering Seventeenth-Century Iroquois Alcohol Abuse,” American Indian Quarterly 23, no. 3/4 (1999): 1–11, esp. 6; Kurt A. Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 1715–1754: An Iroquois Local Political Economy (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008), 310, 315–16, 345; David L. Preston, The Texture of Contact: European and Indian Settler Communities on the Frontiers of Iroquoia, 1667–1783 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 105, 130, 159.

19. Joseph T. Glatthaar and James Kirby Martin, Forgotten Allies: The Oneida Indians and the American Revolution (New York: Hill and Wang, 2006), 150 (for Oneidas); Alan Taylor, The Divided Ground: Indians, Settlers, and the Northern Borderland of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage Books, 2006), 52 (for Mohawks); Joshua Aaron Piker, Okfuskee: A Creek Indian Town in Colonial America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 123–24 (for Creeks). For cattle and Christian Indians, see MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 197–98; Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 278–79, 292. For plow absences and soil, see Jane Mt. Pleasant, “A New Paradigm for Pre-Columbian Agriculture in North America,” Early American Studies 13, no. 2 (Spring 2015): 374–412, esp. 378–79, 382, 392, 411. For animals, see Virginia DeJohn Anderson, Creatures of Empire: How Domestic Animals Transformed Early America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 6, 39, 185; Claudio Saunt, A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 67–135; MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 198.

20. H. Watson Powell to Captain Mathews, Niagara, 29 May 1782, f. 49, Add. MS 21762, BL (“that no” and “avoid feeding”); Thomas Gage to William Johnson, New York, 10 February 1766, PSWJ, vol. 12, 15 (“the Quantity”); Journal of Indian Affairs, Johnson Hall, 6–26 September 1767, PSWJ, vol. 12, 362 (“Provisions to carry”). For a broad overview of how food functioned diplomatically, see Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy, 78–102; MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 67.

21. Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness, 85–89. See also Lisa Brooks, The Common Pot: The Recovery of Native Space in the Northeast (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008), xl, xli, 3–4; Gilles Havard, The Great Peace of Montreal of 1701: French-Native Diplomacy in the Seventeenth Century, trans. Phyllis Aronoff and Howard Scott (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 147, 149.

22. Deposition of Jean Nerban, 27 June 1757, PSWJ, vol. 2, 717–18.

23. Mt. Pleasant, “A New Paradigm,” 381–82 (for crop yields); Anya Zilberstein, “Inured to Empire: Wild Rice and Climate Change,” William and Mary Quarterly 72, no. 1 (January 2015): 127–58 (for rice); LaCombe, Political Gastronomy, 90–107 (for Indians in Virginia); Joshua Piker, “Colonists and Creeks: Rethinking the Pre-Revolutionary Southern Backcountry,” Journal of Southern History 70, no. 3 (August 2004): 503–40, esp. 516 (for Creeks).

24. For Thanksgiving, see LaCombe, Political Gastronomy, 88–89. For corn destroyed in Denonville’s attack, see Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape of Peace, 27. For Indian dispersal, see Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse, 259. For the 1741–42 famine, see Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 82.

25. “Proceedings at a Meeting & Treaty held with the Six Nations at Johnson Hall,” April 25, 1762, PSWJ, vol. 3, 707–8 (“Women”); Major H[enry] Basset to Frederick Haldimand, Detroit, 10 January 1774, f. 15, Add. MS 21731, BL (“the Custom,” “a few,” “an exceeding,” and “bring in”); “Speech of a Six Nation Indian,” Fort Pitt, 6 June 1761, f. 113, Add. MS 21655, BL (for Otchinneyawessahawe).

26. MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 90 (Indian descriptions of hunger); Taylor, The Divided Ground, 24 (twice as much); Johnson’s “Account of Indian Expenses,” November 1758 to December 1759, PSWJ, vol. 3, 152 (for Oneidas and Tuscaroras); George Armstrong to Henry Bouquet, Drownding Creek, 2 August 1758, f. 169, Add. MS 21643, BL (“eat more”); Henry Bouquet to George Croghan, Fort Bedford, 10 August 1759, f. 78, Add. MS 21655, BL (“Idle People”); Johnson’s “Account of Indian Expenses,” March 1755 to October 1756, PSWJ, vol. 2, 567 (“complained much”).

27. William Johnson to Cadwallader Colden, Johnson Hall, 29 May 1765, PSWJ, vol. 4, 748.

28. Nicholas P. Canny, “The Ideology of English Colonization: From Ireland to America,” William and Mary Quarterly 30, no. 4 (October 1973): 575–98, esp. 582 (for Gilbert), 586 (for barbarism), 592 (for law). For Cromwell, Drogheda, and Hewson, see Micheál Ó. Siochrú, “Atrocity, Codes of Conduct and the Irish in the British Civil Wars 1641–1653,” Past and Present 195, no. 1 (May 2007): 55–86, esp. 57, 67, 75–77, 82.

29. Lee, Barbarians and Brothers, 188 (for Grotius), 189 (for Vattel); Jill Lepore, The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identities (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), 107–8 (for jus ad bello and jus in bellum).

30. Lee, Barbarians and Brothers, 34, 95, 188.

31. John Grenier, The First Way of War: American War Making on the Frontier, 1607–1814 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 102–3.

32. Lee, Barbarians and Brothers, 191.

33. Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, iii, 472, 570 (quote).

34. Lepore, The Name of War, 111 (for Christians and non-Christians); Lee, Barbarians and Brothers, 223 (“law of retaliation” and “savage nation”); Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness, 100 (for Locke’s influene on Vattel); Peter Silver, Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian War Transformed Early America (New York: W. W. Norton, 2008), 58 (for the treatment of dead bodies); Canny, “The Ideology of English Colonization,” 596 (for Native noncombatants).

35. MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 27 (for French invasions); Steele, Warpaths, 43 (for Jamestown), 232 (for the 1761 attack); Katherine A. Grandjean, “New World Tempests: Environment, Scarcity, and the Coming of the Pequot War,” William and Mary Quarterly 68, no. 1 (January 2011): 75–100, esp. 92–93 (for the Pequot War).

36. Lepore, The Name of War, 96 (for King Philip’s War). For the Cherokee War, see Hatley, The Dividing Paths, 145. For Dunmore’s War, see Colin G. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America (New York: Viking, 2007), 54; Patrick Griffin, American Leviathan: Empire, Nation, and Revolutionary Frontier (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007), chap. 4.

37. For animals, see Anderson, Creatures of Empire. For animals and Indians in the Dutch Hudson Valley, see Taylor, American Colonies, 253. For targeting of farms, see Silver, Our Savage Neighbors, 44. For Shawnees, see “By Henry Bouquet Esqr. &ca: &ca,” Fort Pitt, 13 May 1761, f. 199, Add. MS 21655, BL. For Delawares, see Merritt, At the Crossroads, 42. For the Seven Years’ War, see MacLeitch, “Sir William Johnson (1715–1774),” 94. For Indian farmers, see MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 101. For Creeks, see Ja[mes?] Hendrie to [Tayler?], Mobile, 29 August 1766, f. 37, Add. MS 21671, BL.

38. Grenier, The First Way of War, 13 (for tactics); Silver, Our Savage Neighbors, xxv, xxvi (for Indian-hating).

39. On gender divisions, see Ann M. Little, Abraham in Arms: War and Gender in Colonial New England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 13–14, 99. On Oneidas, see Glatthaar and Martin, Forgotten Allies, 48. For Mohawks, see Robert W. Venables, “ ‘Faithful Allies of the King’: The Crown’s Haudenosaunee Allies in the Revolutionary Struggle for New York,” in The Other Loyalists: Ordinary People, Royalism, and the Revolution in the Middle Colonies, 1763–1787, ed. Joseph S. Tiedemann, Eugene R. Fingerhut, and Robert W. Venables (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009), 136. For breaking into gardens, see MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 179. Plowing did not increase Indians’ agricultural production. See Jane Mt. Pleasant, “The Paradox of Plows and Productivity: An Agronomic Comparison of Cereal Grain Production under Iroquois Hoe Culture and European Plow Culture in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Agricultural History 85, no. 4 (Fall 2011): 460–92, esp. 461–62.

40. John Moultrie to Eleanor Austin, Fort Prince George, 10 July 1761, in M. C. B. Gubbins, Transcripts and abstracts of Moultrie family papers, 1746–1965 (43/36), SCHS.

41. For background reading, see Richard Follett, “The Demography of Slavery,” in The Routledge History of Slavery, ed. Gad Heuman and Trevor Burnard (London: Routledge, 2011), 119–37; Daniel H. Usner Jr., Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley before 1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 277–78; Robert L. Hall, “Food Crops, Medicinal Plants, and the Atlantic Slave Trade,” in African American Foodways: Explorations of History and Culture, ed. Anne L. Bower (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007), 17–44; William C. Whit, “Soul Food as Cultural Creation,” in African American Foodways, 45–58. For the marketplace, see Robert Olwell, Masters, Slaves, and Subjects: The Culture of Power in the South Carolina Low Country, 1740–1790 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 145; Psyche A. Williams-Forson, Building Houses Out of Chicken Legs: Black Women, Food, and Power (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 20. For hucksters, see Dylan C. Penningroth, The Claims of Kinfolk: African American Property and Community in the Nineteenth-Century South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), chap. 2, esp. 46–49; Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 240, 242, 252. For differences between the Lowcountry and the Chesapeake, see Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 134, 145. Bryan Edwards, an eighteenth-century Jamaican writer, used the term peliculum to refer to “land held by a slave as private property.” The word “continued to appear in descriptions of the slaves’ customary, not legal, claim on resources in which their own labor had been invested.” I am grateful to Marc-William Palen for helping me to sort out the Latin. For these garden plots, see Sidney W. Mintz, Three Ancient Colonies: Caribbean Themes and Variations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 53 (quote).

42. Kyla Wazana Tompkins, Racial Indigestion: Eating Bodies in the 19th Century (New York: New York University Press, 2012), 4–5; Rachel B. Herrmann, “ ‘The black people were not good to eat’: Cannibalism, Cooperation, and Hunger at Sea,” in To Feast on Us as Their Prey: Cannibalism and the Early Modern Atlantic, ed. Rachel B. Herrmann (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2019), chap. 11.

43. Herrmann, “ ‘The black people were not good to eat.’ ”

44. George Croghan to Henry Bouquet, Croghan’s House, 27 March 1762, f. 178, Add. MS 21655, BL (“the Expence,” “it will be,” and “but travel”); George Croghan to William Johnson, Fort Pitt, 21 March 1765, folder 26, box 201, Cadwalader Family Papers, HSP (“So Sevair” and “butt fewe”).

45. William Robertson, The Works of William Robertson, D.D. Fellow of the Royal Society, and Principal of the University, of Edinburgh, Historiographer to His Majesty for Scotland, and Member of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid. To which is Prefixed, An Account of His Life and Writings, by Dugald Stewart, F. R. S. Edin, vol. IX (London: Printed for Cadell and Davies; F. C. and J. Rivington; G. Wilkie; J. Nunn; J. Cuthell; Clarke and Sons; Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown; E. Jeffery; J. Booker; J. and A. Arch; S. Bagster; Black, Parbury, and Allen; J. and T. Gray; John Richardson; J. M. Richardson; Carpenter and Son; R. H. Evans; J. Murray; W. Phillips; W. Stewart; J. Mawman; Baldwin, Cardock, and Joy; Ogle and Co.; Gale and Fenner; R. S. Kirby; W. H. Reid; and W. Ginger, 1817), 86.

2. Iroquois Food Diplomacy in the Revolutionary North

1. Frederick Haldimand to Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton, Quebec, 29 September 1780, ff. 146–47, Add. MS 21764, BL.

2. Robert S. Allen, His Majesty’s Indian Allies: British Indian Policy in the Defence of Canada, 1774–1815 (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1992), 44.

3. Recent histories of the Iroquois during other time periods have underscored moments of resilience. A similar observation might be made about the American Revolution. For standard works on the War for Independence, see Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1972); Colin G. Calloway, Crown and Calumet: British-Indian Relations, 1783–1815 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); Allen, His Majesty’s Indian Allies; Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in North American Communities (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Edward Countryman, “Indians, the Colonial Order, and the Social Significance of the American Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly 53, no. 2 (April 1996): 342–62; Alan Taylor, The Divided Ground: Indians, Settlers, and the Northern Borderland of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage, 2006). For the Revolution as a disaster for the Iroquois, see Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, viii; Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 108; Timothy Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy on the Early American Frontier (New York: Viking, 2008), 192–93. For current Iroquois history, see Joseph T. Glatthaar and James Kirby Martin, Forgotten Allies: The Oneida Indians and the American Revolution (New York: Hill and Wang, 2006); Kurt A. Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 1715–1754: An Iroquois Local Political Economy (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008); David L. Preston, The Texture of Contact: European and Indian Settler Communities on the Frontiers of Iroquoia, 1667–1783 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009); Jon Parmenter, The Edge of the Woods: Iroquoia, 1534–1701 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2010); Karim M. Tiro, The People of the Standing Stone: The Oneida Nation from the Revolution through the Era of Removal (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2011); Edward Countryman, “Toward a Different Iroquois History,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 2 (April 2012), 347–60. Karim Tiro’s scholarship is an exception in that it has highlighted resilience among Revolutionary Iroquois, but his work does not focus on food. For resilience during other periods, see Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 18, 318; Preston, The Texture of Contact, 13; Parmenter, The Edge of the Woods, xxix, xxxii–xxxiii; J. A. Brandão and William A. Starna, “The Treaties of 1701: A Triumph of Iroquois Diplomacy,” Ethnohistory 43, no. 2 (1996): 209–44; Gilles Havard, The Great Peace of Montreal of 1701: French-Native Diplomacy in the Seventeenth Century, trans. Phyllis Aronoff and Howard Scott (Montreal, QC: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 180.

4. For the Mourning Wars, see Daniel K. Richter, “War and Culture: The Iroquois Experience,” William and Mary Quarterly 40, no. 4 (October 1983): 528–59; Merritt, At the Crossroads: Indians and Empires on a Mid-Atlantic Frontier, 1700–1763 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 22. For the 1701 treaty and Pennsylvania, see Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire: The Covenant Chain Confederation of Indian Tribes with English Colonies from Its Beginnings to the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1984), 196–99, 290–97; Merritt, At the Crossroads, 22, 46; Brandão and Starna, “The Treaties of 1701,” 209–44; Leonard J. Sadosky, Revolutionary Negotiations: Indians, Empires, and Diplomats in the Founding of America (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009), 36. For the debate over the Iroquois empire, see Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire, esp. 229, 296–97; Daniel K. Richter and James H. Merrell, “Introduction” in Beyond the Covenant Chain: The Iroquois and their Neighbors in Indian North America, 1600–1800, ed. Daniel K. Richter and James H. Merrell (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1987), esp. 6–7; Matthew Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape of Peace: Iroquois-European Encounters in Seventeenth-Century America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), 257–58.

5. For the population estimate of sixty-four hundred, see Wayne E. Lee, Barbarians and Brothers: Anglo-American Warfare, 1500–1865 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 322n26. For nine thousand, see Taylor, The Divided Ground, 108. For ten thousand, see “Report of Governor William Tryon, of the State of the Province of New-York, 1775,” in The Documentary History of the State of New-York, ed. E. B. O’Callaghan, vol. 1 (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons, 1850), 518. For their locations, see Colonel Guy Johnson, “A General Review of the Northern Confederacy and the Department for Indian Affairs,” 3 October 1776, vol. 10, no. 204, photostat 280, box 2, BHQP; Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 5–6, 14, 55; Taylor, The Divided Ground, 4; Francis Jennings, “The Indians’ Revolution,” in The American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism, ed. Alfred F. Young (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1976), 324.

6. For the Seven Years’ War, see Fred Anderson, Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754–1766 (New York: Vintage, 2001); Matt Schumann and Karl Schweizer, The Seven Years War: A Transatlantic History (New York: Routledge, 2008). For the war called Pontiac’s and the reasons for its confused terminology, see Gregory Evans Dowd, War under Heaven: Pontiac, the Indian Nations, and the British Empire (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 5. For work on the Seven Years’ War as a European conflict, see Anderson, Crucible of War, esp. 176–79. For the war as a global conflict, see Daniel A. Baugh, The Global Seven Years War, 1754–1763: Britain and France in a Great Power Contest (Harlow, UK: Pearson Education Limited, 2011). On British and French policies, see Alan Taylor, American Colonies: The Settling of North America (New York: Penguin, 2001), 430; Christian Ayne Crouch, Nobility Lost: French and Canadian Martial Cultures, Indians, and the End of New France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014), 32, 87–91. On trade relationships, see Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy, 44; Gail D. MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements: Iroquois Change and Persistence on the Frontiers of Empire (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 67.

7. D. S., Articles of Agreement, 26 April 1765, PSWJ, vol. 4, 726 (quotes); John Lottridge to [William Johnson], Montreal, 12 December 1762, PSWJ, vol. 3, 970 (for Mohawk reports). See also Sir William Johnson, Indian Trade Regulations at Fort Pitt, [c. September 1761], PSWJ, vol. 3, 530–32. On the fur trade, see Ian K. Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 179; Eric Hinderaker, Elusive Empires: Constructing Colonialism in the Ohio Valley, 1673–1800 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 68, 181; Colin G. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America (New York: Viking, 2007), 50; Gail D. MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 194–95; Maia Conrad, “Disorderly Drinking: Reconsidering Seventeenth-Century Iroquois Alcohol Abuse,” American Indian Quarterly 23, no. 3/4 (Summer–Autumn 1999): 1–11, esp. 8; José António Brandão, “Your fyre shall burn no more”: Iroquois Policy toward New France and Its Native Allies to 1701 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 69, 85–88, 120; Havard, The Great Peace of Montreal, 50, 146; Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 278, 299.

8. For the French presence, see Gail MacLeitch, “Sir William Johnson (1715–1774),” in The Human Tradition in the Atlantic World, 1500–1850, ed. Karen Racine and Beatriz G. Mamigonian (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010), 91. See also Steele, Warpaths, 179. For New York exports, see MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 195. For gender divisions, see Tiro, The People of the Standing Stone, 11; Claudio Saunt, “ ‘Domestick … Quiet being broke’: Gender Conflict among Creek Indians in the Eighteenth Century,” in Contact Points: American Frontiers from the Mohawk Valley to the Mississippi, 1750–1830, ed. Andrew R. L. Cayton and Fredrika J. Teute (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 151–74, esp. 157; Saunt, A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 148–9. For overhunting, see Tiro, The People of the Standing Stone, 7.

9. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 199, 257 (for the Pays d’en Haut); Taylor, American Colonies, 428 (for French shipping); Merritt, At the Crossroads, 174 (for the French inland); “A conference held by Colonel Bouquet with the chiefs of the Delaware Indians at Pittsburgh,” 4 December 1758, f. 19, Add. MS 21655, BL (“can’t send”); William Johnson to Henry Bouquet, Detroit, 18 September 1761, f. 170, Add. MS 21655, BL (“the dearness”).

10. For Johnson’s reforms, see Johnson, “Regulations for the Trade at Fort Pitt,” n.d., ff. 283–84; Johnson, “Regulations for the Trade at Sandusky,” n.d., f. 285; Johnson, “Regulations for the Trade at Miamies,” n.d., f. 288, all in Add. MS 21655, BL. See also “By the Honorable Brigadier General Monckton commanding His Majestys forces in the southern district of North America,” n.d., f. 199, Add. MS 21655, BL.

11. Jeffery Amherst to Sir William Johnson, Albany, 9 April 1761, PSWJ, vol. 3, 515 (“to avoid”). See also MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 189; Daniel K. Richter, Trade, Land, Power: The Struggle for Eastern North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 3, 174, 183; Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 32; Hinderaker, Elusive Empires, 181.

12. For Amherst, see Richter, Trade, Land, Power, 174. For Neolin, see Dowd, War under Heaven, 3; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745–1815 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 33.

13. Gregory Evans Dowd, “ ‘Insidious Friends’: Gift Giving and the Cherokee-British Alliance in the Seven Years’ War,” in Contact Points, 114–50 (for the Cherokees); Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 34 (for other Native participants).

14. Richter, Trade, Land, Power, 177–78 (for Johnson’s policy), 196 (for Stuart). For Johnson’s redistribution of gifts, see Taylor, American Colonies, 436. For the Board of Trade, see MacLeitch, “Sir William Johnson (1715–1774),” 95.

15. For Amherst’s policies, see Hinderaker, Elusive Empires, 181. For debt, see MacLeitch, “Sir William Johnson (1715–1774),” 98; Steele, Warpaths, 225.

16. For land seizures, see Sadosky, Revolutionary Negotiations, 55–56. For the King’s Proclamation, see Daniel K. Richter, “Johnson, Sir William, first baronet (1715?–1774),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, accessed July 9, 2017, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14925; Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 21; Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 49. For the southern line, see Tom Hatley, The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 180. For Dunmore’s War, see Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 52–57; Hinderaker, Elusive Empires, 189–95; Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy, 169.

17. Mary Archibald, “Sir John Johnson: Knight of the Revolution,” in Eleven Exiles: Accounts of Loyalists of the American Revolution, ed. Phyllis R. Blakeley and John N. Grant (Toronto, ON: Dundurn Press, 1982), 202. On Guy Johnson, see Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 137, 146–47. On his relationship to William Johnson, see Taylor, The Divided Ground, 72.

18. Robert W. Venables, “ ‘Faithful Allies of the King’: The Crown’s Haudenosaunee Allies in the Revolutionary Struggle for New York,” in The Other Loyalists: Ordinary People, Royalism, and the Revolution in the Middle Colonies, 1763–1787, ed. Joseph S. Tiedemann, Eugene R. Fingerhut, and Robert W. Venables (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009), 138.

19. For British strategy, see Allen, His Majesty’s Indian Allies, 44; Taylor, The Divided Ground, 87–90. For the use of food to win the Iroquois to the British side, see Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 120. For the American departments, see James H. O’Donnell III, Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973), 22; Patrick Griffin, American Leviathan: Empire, Nation, and Revolutionary Frontier (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007), 132. For warriors and clan mothers, see Sarah M. S. Pearsall, “Recentering Indian Women in the American Revolution,” in Why You Can’t Teach United States History without American Indians, ed. Susan Sleeper-Smith, Juliana Barr, Jean M. O’Brien, Nancy Shoemaker, and Scott Manning Stevens (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015), 57–70, esp. 61.

20. For food distribution, see Joseph Plumb Martin, Ordinary Courage: The Revolutionary Adventures of Joseph Plumb Martin, 2nd ed., ed. James Kirby Martin (St. James, NY: Brandywine Press, 1999), viii, 12n2; James Kirby Martin, “A ‘Most Undisciplined, Profligate Crew’: Protest and Defiance in the Continental Ranks, 1776–1783,” in Arms and Independence: The Military Character of the American Revolution, ed. Ron Hoffman and Peter J. Albert (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1984), 122–25. For adulterated bread, see Martin, Ordinary Courage, 95 (“some villainous”); Thomas Wileman, deposition to John Potts, Philadelphia, 18 February 1778, vol. 3, no. 126, photostat 948, box 4, BHQP. For “impassable” roads, see Jeremiah Wadsworth to Henry Laurens, Philadelphia, 29 September 1778, PHL, vol. 14, 369. For the Hessian fly, see Brooke Hunter, “Creative Destruction: The Forgotten Legacy of the Hessian Fly,” in The Economy of Early America: Historical Perspectives and New Directions, ed. Cathy Matson (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), 236–62, esp. 242–43.

21. The American Rebellion: Sir Henry Clinton’s Narrative of His Campaigns, 1775–1782, with an Appendix of Original Documents, ed. William B. Willcox (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1954), xxxiii (for the British Army); Mason Bolton to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 4 March 1779, f. 96, Add. MS 21760, BL (for British beliefs about planting); Preston, The Texture of Contact, 107 (for hospitality); Frederick Haldimand to Guy Johnson, Quebec, 22 July 1781, f. 203, Add. MS 21767, BL (“devoured by”). See also Robert Mathews to John Butler, Quebec, 21 July 1781, f. 227, Add. MS21765, BL.

22. For types of provisions, see John Robinson to General William Howe, Whitehall Treasury Chambers, 24 June 1776, vol. 25, no. 71, photostat 220, box 2, BHQP. For a good summary of these concerns, see Brigadier-General Augustine Prevost to Sir Henry Clinton, St. Augustine, 16 September 1778, vol. 8, no. 140, photostat 1361, box 6, BHQP. For “American Flour,” see John Robinson to General Howe, 1 May 1776, vol. 4, no. 21, photostat 171, box 1, BHQP. For “got wet” and “sold & bought,” see John Robinson to General Sir William Howe, Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, 8 April 1777, vol. 4, no. 76, photostat 482, box 3, BHQP. For Cork, see Mr. Gordon, Commissary at Corke, to John Robinson, 20 August 1776, vol. 4, no. 56, photostat 249, box 2, BHQP. For the southern campaign, see Brigadier-General John Campbell to General Sir Henry Clinton, Pensacola, 10 February 1779, vol. 13, no. 1, photostat 1737, box 8, BHQP.

23. John Butler to [Francis Le Maistre], Niagara, 1 May 1778, f. 27, Add. MS 21765, BL (quote). For Saratoga, see Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 156–57, 167–68. On Claus and Butler, see Allen, His Majesty’s Indian Allies, 53; Taylor, The Divided Ground, 86–96. For combined rations given to Indians and British soldiers, see Mason Bolton, “Return of Provisions issued out of the King’s Store at Niagara between the 25 Decemr. 1778 & the 24th Jany. 1779 inclve.,” f. 87, Add. MS 21760, BL.

24. On Brant’s volunteers, see John Butler to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 1 December 1778, f. 75, Add. MS 21765, BL; Taylor, The Divided Ground, 91. On women’s crop production, see Pearsall, “Recentering Indian Women in the American Revolution,” 60. For Iroquois crop yields, see Jane Mt. Pleasant and Robert F. Burt, “Estimating Productivity of Traditional Iroquoian Cropping Systems from Field Experiments and Historical Literature,” Journal of Ethnobiology 30, no. 1 (Spring/Summer 2010): 52–79, esp. 60–61; Jane Mt. Pleasant, “The Paradox of Plows and Productivity: An Agronomic Comparison of Cereal Grain Production under Iroquois Hoe Culture and European Plow Culture in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Agricultural History 85, no. 4 (Fall 2011): 460–92, esp. 462; Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape of Peace, 27–28.

25. John Butler to [Frederick Haldimand], Niagara, 17 September 1778, f. 34, Add. MS 21765, BL (“almost all,” “in a distressed,” and “neglected”); Mason Bolton to [unknown], Niagara, 31 January 1778, f. 5, Add. MS 21760, BL (“all the Beef”); Mason Bolton to Sir Guy Carleton, Niagara, 12 May 1778, f. 18, Add. MS 21760, BL (“this Garrison”).

26. “A Speech To the Six Confederate nations Mohawks, Oneidas, Tuscarora’s, Onondage’s, Cayugae’s, Seneka’s. From the twelve United Colonies convened in Council at Philadelphia,” 18 July 1775, ff. 3–4, folder 26, box 22, PSP. For a description of this conference, see Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 71–72.

27. [Speech by Abraham of the Lower Mohawk Castle], 2 May 1776 (“the shops”), and [speech by Volkert Douw and Timothy Edwards], n.d., but c. May 1776 (“You Brothers”), in unlabeled bound journal, 2–10 May 1776, folder 63, box 22, PSP; “A Speech To the Six Confederate nations Mohawks, Oneidas, Tuscarora’s, Onondage’s, Cayugae’s, Seneka’s. From the twelve United Colonies convened in Council at Philadelphia,” 18 July 1775, f. 7, folder 26, box 22, PSP (“to remain”). For the Americans’ bargaining position, see Calloway, Crown and Calumet, 6; Allen, His Majesty’s Indian Allies, 46.

28. [Volkert Douw] to Jellis Fonda, Caughnawaga, 6 January 1776, folder 63, box 22, PSP; “At a Board of Commissioners of Indian Affairs of the Northern Department held at Albany,” 13 April 1778, folder 57, box 23, PSP (quotes). For later, more organized distributions, see General Schuyler Folkert P. Douw and the other commissioners of Indian Affairs to Jelles Fonda, June 1778 to March 1780, folder 27, box 23, PSP.

29. “At a Meeting of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs for the Northern Department with a Number of Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations for the purpose of holding a conference pursuant to the orders of Congress, held at John’s-Town,” 10 March 1778, folder 57, box 23, PSP (quote); Jon Parmenter, “After the Mourning Wars: The Iroquois as Allies in Colonial North American Campaigns, 1676–1760,” William and Mary Quarterly 64, no. 1 (January 2007): 39–76, esp. 40 (for the nonaggression pact).

30. Daniel Claus to Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 15 September 1778, f. 1, Add. MS 21774, BL (“provision to,” “Irondequoit Bay,” and “nearest to”); “At a meeting of the Commissioners for Indian Affairs in the Northern Department, Albany,” 15 August 1778, folder 57, box 23, PSP (“to remain” and “great many”).

31. Mason Bolton to [Sir Guy Carleton], Niagara, 31 January 1778, f. 5, Add. MS 21760, BL (quote). For Johnson’s efforts to challenge gender roles, see MacLeitch, Imperial Entanglements, 22, 39, 96, 143. For Cooper, see Tiro, The People of the Standing Stone, 39; Glatthaar and Martin, Forgotten Allies, 205. Tiro’s book contains a good discussion about the reliability of the Cooper story.

32. 2 May [1778], “Extract from the Journal of Richard McGinnis,” vol. IV, William A. Smy Collection, Butler Papers, R3779-0-7-E, LAC.

33. For “insulted & robbed,” see Daniel Claus to Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 30 August 1779, f. 57, Add. MS 21774, BL. For all other quotes, see 20 April 1778, “Depositions against persons stealing from the Canajohary Indian Castle, taken at Palatine, New York, Tryon County, before Jelles Fonda, Justice of the Peace” [enclosed in Jelles Fonda to the Honorable Board of Commissioners of Indian Affairs, Palatine, 21 April 1778], folder 57, box 23, PSP. For the background to these actions and on Deygart, see Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 146–47; Helen Caister Robinson, “Molly Brant: Mohawk Heroine,” in Eleven Exiles, 117.

34. Captain Brehm to [Frederick Haldimand], Montreal, 16 April 1779, f. 23, Add. MS 21759, BL. It was Brehm who reported Brant’s warning.

35. John Butler to Captain William Caldwell, Tioga, 12 July 1778, f. 9, Add. MS 21771, BL.

36. Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Claus to General Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 13 October 1778, vol. IV, William A. Smy Collection, the Butler Papers, LAC (“in the glory”); John Butler, memorial to Brigadier General Powell, Niagara, 1 October 1781, f. 224, Add. MS 21874, BL (“To serve”). For the removal of the phrase, see Robert Mathews to Brigadier General Powell, Quebec, 1 November 1781, f. 250, Add. MS 21764, BL.

37. “Depositions against persons stealing from the Canajohary Indian Castle, taken at Palatine, New York, Tryon County, before Jelles Fonda, Justice of the Peace” [enclosed in Jelles Fonda to the Honorable Board of Commissioners of Indian Affairs, Palatine, 21 April 1778], 20 April 1778, folder 57, box 23, PSP (quotes); Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 142–47; Tiro, The People of the Standing Stone, 49.

38. Martin, Ordinary Courage, 109.

39. John Butler to Frederick Haldimand, Canadasango, 21 July 1779, ff. 115–16, Add. MS 21765, BL (quotes); Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 45 (for famine foods).

40. [George Washington] to John Sullivan, Head Quarters, Middle Brook, 31 May 1779, HM 1590, HL (“immediate objects,” “Settlements,” “in their distress,” and “supplies of,” “the total”); George Washington to John Sullivan, Head Quarters, West Point, 15 September 1779, f. 23, vol. 5, box 2, John Sullivan Transcripts, MHS (“throwing”).

41. Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, 192–223; John Grenier, The First Way of War: American War Making on the Frontier, 1607–1814 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 102–3, 166–67; Taylor, The Divided Ground, 98; Venables, “ ‘Faithful Allies of the King,’ ” 142–49; Jordan, The Seneca Restoration, 187.

42. Pearsall, “Recentering Indian Women in the American Revolution,” 60.

43. F. Barber to Governor Clinton, Praoga, 15 August 1779, f. 79, folder “John Sullivan Letters in the Rolls Office, Washington, 1775–1791. John L. Sullivan/T.C. Amory, 1856–. Extracts from N.H. Materials re John Sullivan, 1772–. Journal of West Expedition 18 June 1779–. General Orders, Campaign on RI, 1778,” box 4, John Sullivan Transcripts, MHS (“very fine”); [Lieutenant John Jenkins], “A Journal of the West Expedition Commanded by the Honble Major General Sullivan began at Easton, June 18 1779,” 13 August (“a glorious” and “about 40”), 13 September (“called Kanegsae”), 14 September (for Genesee Flats), 15 September (“large fires” and “piling”), 1779, ff. 169, 184, 187, folder “John Sullivan Letters …,” box 4, John Sullivan Transcripts, MHS; Andrew Hunter, War Diary, 1776–1779, 20 August and 8 September 1779, M 2097, JDR (“destroyed all,” “girdled the,” and “destroyed the”).

44. Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, or, Principles of the Law of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns, with Three Early Essays on the Origin and Nature of Natural Law and on Luxury, ed. Béla Kapossy and Richard Whatmore (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2008), iii, 570; Lee, Barbarians and Brothers, 228.

45. John Butler to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 20 September 1779, f. 140, Add. MS 21765, BL (“the Genesee”); Peter Gansevoort to John Sullivan, Albany, 8 October 1779, f. 31, vol. 5, box 1, John Sullivan Transcripts, MHS (“great plenty”). On the word reavers, see James H. Merrell, “Second Thoughts on Colonial Historians and American Indians,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 3 (July 2012): 451–512, esp. 476.

46. Venables, “ ‘Faithful Allies of the King,’ ” 149 (for the bushels); Mt. Pleasant and Burt, “Estimating Productivity of Traditional Iroquoian Cropping Systems from Field Experiments and Historical Literature,” 60–61 (for stored and standing grain); Alan Taylor, “ ‘The Hungry Year’: 1789 on the Northern Border of Revolutionary America,” in Dreadful Visitations: Confronting Natural Catastrophe in the Age of Enlightenment, ed. Alessa Johns (New York: Routledge, 1999), 167 (for dietary estimates).

47. Extract of a letter from Major Butler to Colonel Bolton, Camp, Buffaloe Creek, 14 September 1779, in Lieut. Col. Mason Bolton and Major John Butler, 14, 16, and 20 September 1779, vol. 11, nos. 93 and 94, photostat 2308, box 10, BHQP (quote). For similar British sentiments, see Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton to General Haldimand, Niagara, 7, 8, and 10 September 1779, vol. 11, no. 83, photostat 2260, box 10, BHQP; General Haldimand to General Sir Henry Clinton, Quebec, 2 November 1779, vol. 11, no. 97, photostat 2400, box 11, BHQP. For a description of Six Nations refugees at Niagara, see Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, chap. 5, esp. 136–37; Venables, “ ‘Faithful Allies of the King,’ ” 149. For deaths that winter, see Taylor, The Divided Ground, 99.

48. General Haldimand to General Sir Henry Clinton, Quebec, 29 August 1779, vol. 11, nos. 45 and 60, photostat 2234, box 10, BHQP (quote); Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 61 (for the effects of the campaign further afield).

49. Major Butler to General Haldimand, 20 September 1779, in Lieut. Col. Mason Bolton and Major John Butler, 14, 16, and 20 September 1779, vol. 11, nos. 93 and 94, photostat 2308, box 10, BHQP (quote); Taylor, The Divided Ground, 99 (for the Johnsons).

50. General Haldimand to General Sir Henry Clinton, Quebec, 28 September 1779, vol. 11, no. 78, photostat 2334, box 10, BHQP (for Haldimand’s proposal); General Haldimand to General Sir Henry Clinton, Quebec, 19 July 1779, vol. 11, no. 43, photostat 2129, box 9, BHQP (“the quantity”); General Frederick Haldimand to Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton, Quebec, 23 July 1779, vol. 5, William A. Smy Collection, LAC (“that all”); Frederick Haldimand to Major Butler, Quebec, 3 September 1779, f. 136, Add. MS 21765, BL (“make demands”).

51. Frederick Haldimand to Major Butler, Quebec, August [no day] 1779, f. 134, Add. MS 21765, BL (“far Exceeds”); General Frederick Haldimand to Major Butler, Quebec, 3 September 1779, f. 136, Add. MS 21765, BL (“obliged to abandon”).

52. General Haldimand to General Sir Henry Clinton, Quebec, 29 August 1779, vol. 11, nos. 45 and 60, photostat 2234, box 10, BHQP (“the Necessity”); Frederick Haldimand to Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton, Quebec, 29 September 1780, ff. 146–47, Add. MS 21764, BL (“that no useless”).

53. Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton to General Haldimand, Niagara, 7 September 1779, photostat 2260, box 10, BHQP.

54. H. Watson Powell to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, February 18, 1781, f. 7, Add. MS 21761, BL.

55. Mason Bolton to Frederick Haldimand, Canadasagoe, 24 June 1779, f. 145, Add. MS 21760, BL (for the cattle); Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton to General Haldimand, Niagara, 16 August 1779, vol. 11, no. 72, 2202, box 10, BHQP (all other quotes).

56. For example, see Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 113.

57. “Proceedings with the Indians at Niagara,” 31 October 1779, f. 60, Add. MS 21779, BL (“a sufficient”); Daniel Claus to Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 30 September 1779, f. 72, Add. MS 21774, BL (for Montreal); Guy Johnson to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 12 November 1779, f. 51, Add. MS 21767, BL (“prevailed on”).

58. “Proceedings with the Indians at Niagara,” 3 November 1779, f. 61, Add. MS 21779, BL.

59. For riotous soldiers, see Martin, “A ‘Most Undisciplined, Profligate Crew,’ ” 119–40.

60. Major John Butler to Lieutenant Colonel Mason Bolton, Shechquago, 31 August 1779, vol. 11, no. 85, photostat 2238, box 10, BHQP.

61. [Captain William Caldwell] to [Brigadier General Henry Watson Powell], Ochquago, 19 August 1781, f. 148, Add. MS 21762, BL.

62. [Captain William Caldwell] to [Brigadier General Henry Watson Powell], Ochquago, 19 August 1781, ff. 148–49, 152, Add. MS 21762, BL.

63. Henry Bird to Major Arent Schuyler De Peyster, Ohio, opposite Licking Creek, 1 July 1780, f. 316, Add. MS 21760, BL (quotes); John Sugden, Blue Jacket: Warrior of the Shawnees (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 60–62 (for variations on the fort name); White, The Middle Ground, 407 (for the Indians as Shawnees and Great Lakes Indians).

64. Frederick Haldimand to Mason Bolton, Quebec, 10 August 1780, f. 130, Add. MS 21764, BL; Virginia DeJohn Anderson, Creatures of Empire: How Domestic Animals Transformed Early America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).

65. Frederick Haldimand to Daniel Claus, Quebec, 6 September 1779, f. 61, Add. MS 21774, BL (quote); H. Watson Powell to Frederick Haldimand, Quebec, 5 December 1782, f. 589, Add. MS 21734, BL (for distributions).

66. H. Watson Powell to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 17 May 1782, f. 46, Add. MS 21762, BL (“as the Indians”); extract of a letter from Captain Fraser, Carleton Island, 21 February 1780, enclosed in Frederick Haldimand to Mason Bolton, Quebec, 16 April 1780, f. 96, Add. MS 21764, BL (for baked bread); [Daniel Bliss], “Pork Issued to Indians from 24th June 1780 to 24th September 1781 at Niagara,” ff. 165–67, Add. MS 21761, BL (for pork); Daniel Claus to Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 26 October 1778, f. 7, Add. MS 21774, BL (“the Effect,” “getting sickly,” and fresh and salted provisions in 1778); Daniel Claus to Robert Mathews, Montreal, 23 March 1780, f. 98, Add. MS 21774, BL; Robert Mathews to Daniel Claus, Quebec, 27 March 1780, f. 99, Add. MS 21774, BL (for fresh and salted provisions in 1780); Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 133 (for increased spending).

67. “Distribution of Corn, and Hoes for the Indians of Colonel Johnson’s Department, planting at Buffaloe Creek,” 13 May 1781, f. 120, Add. MS 21769, BL; John Butler to Robert Mathews, Niagara, 7 December 1781, ff. 263–64, Add. MS 21765, BL.

68. Chris Evans, “The Plantation Hoe: The Rise and Fall of an Atlantic Commodity, 1650–1850,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 1 (January 2012): 71–100, esp. 75, 80–81; James Stanely Goddard to [John Cambell], Montreal, 8 March 1784, f. 221, Add. MS 21772, BL.

69. Extract of a letter from Colonel Guy Johnson to Frederick Haldimand, 11 January 1783, f. 134, Add. MS 21770, BL.

70. “The Answer of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs for the Northern Department to the Speech of the Oneidas & Tuscaroras,” [n.d., c. 1779], folder 53, box 23, PSP.

71. [Unknown men] of the great Council of the United States and the Board of War, talk to the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, and Cochnawagas, 13 September 1781, folder 27, box 23, PSP.

72. Cornplanter’s speech to the President of the United States, 1 December 1790, enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, f. 8, reel 60, TPP (“When your army”); Colin G. Calloway, The Indian World of George Washington: The First President, the First Americans, and the Birth of the Nation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 7 (for Washington’s name and its meanings).

73. For 150,000, see James H. Merrell, “ ‘The Customes of Our Countrey’: Indians and Colonists in Early America,” in Strangers within the Realm: Cultural Margins of the First British Empire, ed. Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 124. See also his discussion of population numbers, 123n14.

3. Cherokee and Creek Victual Warfare in the Revolutionary South

1. William Tennent to Henry Laurens, Bullock’s Creek, 20 August 1775, PHL, vol. 10, 339 (quote). On Tennent, see Marion C. Chandler, “Tennent, William III,” American National Biography Online, accessed February 9, 2015, http://www.anb.org/articles/01/01–01156.html. For standard works on southern Indian affairs, see James H. O’Donnell III, Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973); Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745–1815 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Tom Hatley, The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Claudio Saunt, A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Wayne E. Lee, Crowds and Soldiers in Revolutionary North Carolina (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001); Joshua Aaron Piker, Okfuskee: A Creek Indian Town in Colonial America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004); Andrew K. Frank, Creeks and Southerners: Biculturalism on the Early American Frontier (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005); John Grenier, The First Way of War: American War Making on the Frontier, 1607–1814 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Jim Piecuch, Three Peoples, One King: Loyalists, Indians, and Slaves in the Revolutionary South, 1775–1782 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008); Angela Pulley Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads: Indians, Settlers, and Slaves and the Making of the American South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010).

2. Leonard J. Sadosky, Revolutionary Negotiations: Indians, Empires, and Diplomats in the Founding of America (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009), 46–47.

3. Piker, Okfuskee, 98, and Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads, 3–4 (for Creek populations); Colin G. Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in North American Communities (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 182 (for a twelve thousand-person Cherokee population); Piecuch, Three Peoples, One King, 28 (for twelve to fourteen thousand Cherokees); Saunt, A New Order of Things, 11–14 (for the emergence of the Creek confederacy); Steven C. Hahn, The Invention of the Creek Nation, 1670–1763 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), 4, 272 (for triple-nation diplomacy and trade embargoes).

4. For Creek attacks, see Piker, Okfuskee, 65; Saunt, A New Order of Things, 34. For the attacks of 1760 and 1761, see Hatley, The Dividing Paths, 119; Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 182. For land sales, see O’Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution, viii. For Georgia’s population, see Saunt, A New Order of Things, 46.

5. O’Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution, vii–ix, 23–24 (for Galphin); Piecuch, Three Peoples, One King, 67 (for South Carolina); Saunt, A New Order of Things, 48 (for Stuart); Brigadier-General John Campbell to General Sir Henry Clinton, Pensacola, 10 February 1779, vol. 13, no. 1, photostat 1737, box 8, BHQP (quote).

6. John Stuart to General Gage, St. Augustine, 3 October 1776, in Extracts of Letters, &c. Published by Order of CONGRESS (Charles Town: Printed by Peter Timothy, 1776), 8, in Provincial Congress, Extracts of Intercepted Letters, 1775–1776, S165248, SCDAH (“necessaries” and “a supply”); John Stuart to General Sir William Howe, Pensacola, 4 February 1778, vol. 10, no. 171, photostat 925, box 4, BHQP (“Many of the Creeks,” “about five,” and “a very great”). On Creek-Cherokee conflict, see Piker, Okfuskee, 45–46, 49. For Cameron, see Alexander Cameron to George Germain, Pensacola, 18 December 1779, photostat 2489, f. 5, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR.

7. At a Council, 5 July 1776, folder “Volume 2: Minutes, Apr.–July 1776,” Georgia Council of Safety minutes, MS 0282, GHS (for the Georgia Council of Safety); At a Council held at Kingston, 29 September 1777, in folder “1777,” Council Minutes, 1777–1780, G.O. 119, NCSA (for North Carolina); “A Talk Delivered at Augusta in May by his Honor the Governor to the Headmen and Warriors of the Cherokee Nation Met During the war,” [May 1783?], folder “Treaty of Augusta between Commissioners of Indian Affairs [of Georgia] and the Cherokee,” box 1807, Governor’s Subject Files, 1781–1802, GDAH (for Lyman Hall). For a similar moment see “At a Board of Commissioners for Treating with the Indians,” Augusta, 25 May 1783, folder “Treaty of Augusta between Commissioners of Indian Affairs [of Georgia] and the Cherokee,” box 1807, Governor’s Subject Files, 1781–1802, GDAH.

8. John Stuart to Brigadier-General Augustine Prevost, Pensacola, 24 July 1777, vol. 10, no. 180, photostat 629, box 3, BHQP.

9. “A talk given by the Tallasee King and head men of the Upper and Lower Creek Nation,” 28 May 1782, folder 12, box 78, Telamon Cuyler Collection, HRBML (for the Tallassee King’s speech); Hatley, The Dividing Paths, 10–11 (for nakedness and hungriness).

10. “Articles of Convention held at Augusta, in the Country of Richmond and State aforesaid,” 31 May 1783, folder “Treaty of Augusta between Commissioners of Indian Affairs [of Georgia] and the Cherokee,” box 1807, Governor’s Subject Files, 1781–1802, GDAH.

11. John Stuart to General Gage, St. Augustine, 3 October 1776, in Extracts of Letters, 4–6, 7.

12. Mr. [George] Milligen’s Report of the state of South Carolina, 15 September 1775, reel 11, vol. 35, Records of the British Public Records Office Relating to South Carolina, 1663–1782, PCL (“Arms, Ammunition”); at a Council, 5 July 1776, folder “Volume 2: Minutes, Apr.–July 1776,” Georgia Council of Safety minutes, MS 0282, GHS (“if the communication” and “& our Enemies”). On the deerskin trade, see Claudio Saunt, “ ‘Domestick … Quiet being broke’: Gender Conflict among Creek Indians in the Eighteenth Century,” in Contact Points: American Frontiers from the Mohawk Valley to the Mississippi, 1750–1830, ed. Andrew R. L. Cayton and Fredrika J. Teute (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 151–74.

13. Copy of a letter from Charles Lee to Edmund Pendleton, Charleston, 20 July 1776, f. 30, Charles Lee Letterbook, 1776 July 2–Aug. [27?], SCL (“a Corps,” “the destruction,” and “necessary terror”); Henry Laurens to John Laurens, Charleston, 14 August 1776, PHL, vol. 11, 229 (“the only possible”). For Dragging Canoe, see Cristina Snyder, “Native Nations in the Age of Revolutions,” in The World of the Revolutionary American Republic: Land, Labor, and the Conflict for a Continent, ed. Andrew Shankman (New York: Routledge, 2014), 85. For rumors of Cherokee attacks, see Lee, Crowds and Soldiers in Revolutionary North Carolina, 159. For Cherokee attacks, see O’Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution, ix, 42; Hatley, The Dividing Paths, 194. For colonists’ attacks against the Cherokees, see Lee, Crowds and Soldiers in Revolutionary North Carolina, 160; Armstrong Starkey, European and Native American Warfare, 1675–1815 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 123; Grenier, The First Way of War, 152.

14. Lee, Crowds and Soldiers in Revolutionary North Carolina, 160.

15. John Stuart to General Sir William Howe, Pensacola, 6 October 1777, vol. 10, no. 175, photostat 695, box 3, BHQP (quote); J. Glasgow to Waightstill Avery and William Sharp, Hewington, 15 August 1777, folder 1, Revolutionary War Papers, 1774–1782, 02194-z, SHC (for Holston). For the Cherokee split, see Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 54; Hatley, The Dividing Paths, 223.

16. Jos. Vann to Alexander Cameron, n.d., vol. 10, no. 188, photostat 587, enc. in John Stuart to General Sir William Howe, Pensacola, 16 June 1777, vol. 10, no. 189, photostat 586, box 3, BHQP.

17. For Dragging Canoe’s followers, see Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 54; Hatley, The Dividing Paths, 223. For the Cherokee split and blocked food aid, see Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 202.

18. For Smithfield Market, see Emma Hart, “From Field to Plate: The Colonial Livestock Trade and the Development of an American Economic Culture,” William and Mary Quarterly 73, no. 1 (January 2016): 107–40, esp. 109. For the Act of Union, see Fredrik Albritton Jonsson, “Climate Change and the Retreat of the Atlantic: The Cameralist Context of Pehr Kalm’s Voyage to North America, 1748–51,” William and Mary Quarterly 72, no. 1 (January 2015): 99–126, esp. 124. For the Chesapeake, see Cary Carson, Joanne Bowen, Willie Graham, Martha McCartney, and Lorena Walsh, “New World, Real World: Improvising English Culture in Seventeenth-Century Virginia,” Journal of Southern History 74, no. 1 (February 2008): 31–88, esp. 45. For horses, see Piker, Okfuskee, chap. 4, esp. 111, 124. For cattle and slavery, see Saunt, A New Order of Things, 49–51, 62–63, 67–135, 148–49. For the Treaty of Dewitt’s Corner, see “Articles of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, concluded on and signed at Dewitt’s Corner the 20th day of May 1777 between the State of South Carolina and the Cherokee Indians,” enc. in William Blount to John Steele, Augusta, 5 May 1789, folder 4, John Steele Papers, 1716–1846, Collection 00689, Series 1.2, SHC.

19. Frank, Creeks and Southerners, 71 (for McGillivray’s bequest); Piker, Okfuskee, 100 (provisions when traveling); “At a Meeting of the Head Men of the upper Creek Nation held at the Okchoys,” 5 April 1763, CRSG, vol. 9, 71 (for the Mortar’s talk).

20. Journals of the Proceedings of the Commons House of Assembly, 3 November 1769, CRSG, vol. 15, 20 (for the 1769 bill); “AN ACT for maintaining the Peace with the Indians in the Province of GEORGIA,” March 1733, CRSG, vol. 1, 40 (for the 1733 law); “Letter from the President and assistants to Benjamin Martyn Esq. Secretary to the honourable trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia at their office in Queen Square Westminster,” Savannah, 25 July 1750, CRSG, vol. 26, 38 (for Yuchis plundering); [Talk by George Galphin sent to the Creeks, reproduced in] “At a Council held in the Council Chamber at Savannah,” 9 December 1771, CRSG, vol. 12, 151 (for Galphin’s talk).

21. For the letter to Laurens, see John Houstoun to Henry Laurens, Savannah, 1 October 1778, PHL, vol. 14, 375. For attacks in Georgia, see Copy of a letter, Charles Lee to Richard Peters, Charleston, 2 August 1776, f. 52, Charles Lee Letterbook, 1776 July 2–Aug. [27?], SCL.

22. General William Howe to John Stuart, n.p., 23 May 1776, vol. 1, no. 121, photostat 191, box 1, BHQP; Lord George Germain to Colonel John Stuart, Whitehall, 31 March 1779, vol. 10, no. 111, photostat 1871, box 8, BHQP. For continued attacks during the 1770s, see Joseph Clay to Henry Laurens, Savannah, 29 September 1777, PHL, vol. 11, 532. The 1780s feature later in this chapter.

23. For reports of famine, see Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 57, 261–62.

24. Brigadier-General John Campbell to Sir Henry Clinton, Pensacola, 25 March 1779, vol. 13, no. 12, photostat 1856, box 8, BHQP (“in the greatest”); Snyder, “Native Nations in the Age of Revolutions,” 81 (for Stuart’s marriage); Lord George Germain to Colonel [Thomas] Brown, Whitehall, 25 June 1779, vol. 12, no. 76, photostat 2079, box 9, BHQP (“allowance for”); Alexander Cameron to Governor Chester, Pensacola, 25 December 1779, photostat 2499, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR (“barely sufficient”).

25. For critiques of Stuart before and after the March 1779 letter, see General Sir William Howe to John Stuart, New York, 3 May 1777, vol. 1, no. 118, photostat 512, box 3, BHQP; Lord George Germain to General Sir Henry Clinton, Whitehall, 1 April 1779, vol. 10, no. 107, photostat 1875, box 8, BHQP. For “the Cherokees will,” see Alexander Cameron to Major General Augustine Prevost, 15 October 1779, Creek Nation, Little Tallassie, vol. 15, no. 217, photostat 2372, box 10, BHQP. For “in confusion,” see Major General John Campbell to General Sir Henry Clinton, Pensacola, 14 September 1779, vol. 3, no. 38, photostat 2289, box 10, BHQP.

26. Major General John Campbell to General Sir Henry Clinton, Pensacola, 14 September 1779, vol. 3, no. 38, photostat 2289, box 10, BHQP (“laden with” and “for want”); Alan Taylor, American Revolutions: A Continental History, 1750–1804 (New York: W. W. Norton, 2016), 266 (for Gálvez); John Campbell to Henry Clinton, Head Quarters, 10 February 1780, photostat 2565, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR (for the pork).

27. Alexander Cameron to George Germain, Pensacola, 18 December 1779, photostat 2489, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR.

28. Alexander Cameron to George Germain.

29. Alexander Cameron to George Germain.

30. This account varies a bit from another letter that Cameron sent to Prevost, in which he said that Williamson offered the Indians peace “provided they would not oppose him, or give me any Assistance.” Alexander Cameron to George Germain, Pensacola, 18 December 1779, photostat 2489, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR; Alexander Cameron to Major General Augustine Prevost, 15 October 1779, Creek Nation, Little Tallassie, vol. 15, no. 217, photostat 2372, box 10, BHQP.

31. Alexander Cameron to George Germain, Pensacola, 18 December 1779, photostat 2489, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR.

32. Alexander Cameron to Major General Augustine Prevost, 15 October 1779, Creek Nation, Little Tallassie, vol. 15, no. 217, photostat 2372, box 10, BHQP (“to treat,” “into his Hands,” and “that if he would”); Alexander Cameron to George Germain, Pensacola, 18 December 1779, photostat 2489, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR (“Burned Six”).

33. Alexander Cameron to Major General Augustine Prevost, 15 October 1779, Creek Nation, Little Tallassie, vol. 15, no. 217, photostat 2372, box 10, BHQP (quote). For the Chickamauga population, see Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 43–44. Exact counts of the Chickamaugas remain elusive, and I thank Lance Greene, Tyler Barrett Howe, Kathryn Sampeck, and Gregory Smithers for their thoughts on this matter. For bushel weights, see Russ Rowlett, “U.S. Commercial Bushel Sizes,” How Many? A Dictionary of Units of Measurement, accessed December 6, 2016, https://www.unc.edu/~rowlett/units/scales/bushels.html. For Iroquois bushel consumption, see chapter 2 of this book. For fifty thousand bushels of Cherokee corn destroyed, see Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 50.

34. Alexander Cameron to Major General Augustine Prevost, 15 October 1779, Creek Nation, Little Tallassie, vol. 15, no. 217, photostat 2372, box 10, BHQP.

35. Alexander Cameron to Governor Chester, Pensacola, 25 December 1779, vol. 13, no. 64, photostat 2499, box 11, BHQP.

36. Alexander Dickson to General [Frederick Haldimand], Pensacola, 9 May 1774, f. 139, Add. MS 21731, BL (for Chester’s refusal to provide ammunition and provisions); Kathleen DuVal, Independence Lost: Lives on the Edge of the American Revolution (New York: Random House, 2015), 108 (for Germain on funds); John Campbell to Henry Clinton, Head Quarters, 10 February 1780, photostat 2565, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR (for Chester refusing to see Creeks); Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Brown to General Sir Henry Clinton, Savannah, 29 May 1780, vol. 30, nos. 147 and 190, photostat 2778, box 12, BHQP (quote).

37. Alexander Cameron to Sir Henry Clinton, Pensacola, 18 July 1780, vol. 13, no. 113, photostat 2919, box 13, BHQP (“them with,” “being disatisfyed,” “sold most,” “when drunk,” and “very insolent”); John Campbell to Henry Clinton, Head Quarters, 10 February 1780, photostat 2565, vol. 20, reel 7, British headquarters (Sir Guy Carleton) papers, 1747–1783, film 57, DLAR (“his Favorets” and “Plundering”).

38. Phillip Hamilton, The Making and Unmaking of a Revolutionary Family: The Tuckers of Virginia, 1752–1830 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2003), 8, 47–48.

39. “Ode on the capture of the British Army under Lord Cornwallis, at York, in Virginia October 19: 1781,” Poetry copybook, bound volume, 144–46, St. George Tucker Collection, 1771–1821, MS 1942.4, JDR.

40. Frank, Creeks and Southerners, 24 (quote). This line of argument has been influenced by Fear and the Shaping of Early American Societies, ed. Lauric Henneton and L. H. Roper (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2016); Bertie Mandelblatt, “ ‘A Land where Hunger is in Gold and Famine is in Opulence’: Plantation Slavery, Island Ecology, and the Fear of Famine in the French Caribbean,” Fear and the Shaping of Early American Societies, chap. 11.

41. Daniel McMurphy to John Martin, Augusta, 22 September 1782, 30, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 1, 1705–1793, Transcripts, GDAH (quotes); Lee, Crowds and Soldiers in Revolutionary North Carolina, 197 (for violence during this part of the war).

42. Piecuch, Three Peoples, One King, 300 (for Cameron’s death); Saunt, A New Order of Things, 54 (for Galphin’s death).

43. Arthur Campbell to [unknown], Washington, 10 July 1781, folder 3, Revolutionary War Papers, 1774–1782, 02194-z, SHC.

44. Jonathan Cunningham to Elijah Clark, Wilkes County, 4 March 1782, 1, vol. I, Cherokee Indian Letters, Talks and Treaties, 1786–1838, Transcripts, GDAH.

45. “A Message sent to the Middle Grounds by Charles Reaman a half breed and by a fellow called the Horn to the Vallies,” Long Swamp on High Tower River, 25 September 1782, enclosed in Andrew Pickens to John Martin, Long Canes, 26 October 1782, folder 9, Joseph Vallence Bevan Papers, MS 0071, GHS.

46. “A Talk delivered by General Pickens to the Head Men of the Cherokee Nation,” High Towner River, 17 October 1782, enclosed in Andrew Pickens to John Martin, Long Canes, 26 October 1782, folder 9, Joseph Vallence Bevan Papers, MS 0071, GHS.

47. “A Talk deliver’d at Savannah by Governor Martin of the state of Georgia & Sent to the Tallasee King & the head men & Warriors of the upper & Lower Creek Nation,” 19 July 1782, John Martin letter book and letters, MS 0543, GHS.

48. John Martin to Andrew Pickens, Augusta, 27 May 1782, 25, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 1, 1705–1793, Transcripts, GDAH (for the warning); Colonel Clarke to John Martin, Fort Wators, 21 May 1782, 22, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 1, 1705–1793, Transcripts, GDAH (for the attack); “A talk given by the Tallasee King and head men of the Upper and Lower Creek Nation,” 28 May 1782, folder 12, box 78, Telamon Cuyler Collection, HRBML (for the meeting and the talk); Saunt, A New Order of Things, 61 (for factions); “Copy of Colonel Murphy’s Instructions, & Sent by him to Mr. Richard Henderson, Assistant Deputy Superintendent for Indian Affairs,” Savannah, 4 October 1782, John Martin letter book and letters, MS 0543, GHS (for Georgians’ lack of goods).

49. “A Talk delivered by Governor Martin at Savannah, To the Tallesee King and the head Men & Warriors of the upper & Lower Creek Nations,” 29 October 1782, folder 84, box 38F, Telamon Cuyler Collection, HRBML (for Martin’s speech); John Martin to Richard Henderson, Savannah, 7 October 1782, John Martin letter book and letters, MS 0543, GHS (for Martin’s limitations on visitors); James Rae to Lyman Hall, Augusta, 29 January 1783, 47, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 1, 1705–1793, Transcripts, GDAH (for “chearfully gave” and “the Publick”).

50. Grenier, The First Way of War, 160 (for events in 1780 and 1781); John Crawford to Alexander Irwin, n.p., 3 March 1782, 170, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 1, 1705–1793, Transcripts, GDAH (quote); Colonel Clarke to John Martin, Fort Wators, 21 May 1782, 22, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 1, 1705–1793, Transcripts, GDAH (for injuries and casualties).

51. On noses, see Kenneth S. Greenberg, Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), chap. 1.

52. As a lawyer who would eventually advocate for gradual emancipation and the colonization of formerly enslaved people abroad, it is not impossible to imagine that he might have written such a poem. Hamilton, The Making and Unmaking of a Revolutionary Family, 150–51.

4. Black Victual Warriors and Hunger Creation

1. Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution (New York: W.W. Norton, 1961), xi (for the 1781 Dinah); Michael E. Groth, “Black Loyalists and African American Allegiance in the Mid-Hudson Valley,” in The Other Loyalists: Ordinary People, Royalism, and the Revolution in the Middle Colonies, 1763–1787, ed. Joseph S. Tiedemann, Eugene R. Fingerhut, and Robert W. Venables (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009), 91 (“by ‘softening’ ”); Psyche A. Williams-Forson, Building Houses out of Chicken Legs: Black Women, Food, and Power (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 19 (“thwarted an assassination”); Adrian Miller, The President’s Kitchen Cabinet: The Story of the African Americans Who Have Fed Our First Families, from the Washingtons to the Obamas (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 36–37 (for Phoebe). On chicken, see also Doris Witt, Black Hunger: Soul Food and America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), esp. 3–4.

2. For standard work, see Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution; Winthrop D. Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968); Alan Kulikoff, “Uprooted Peoples: Black Migrants in the Age of the American Revolution, 1790–1820,” in Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution, ed. Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986 [1983]), 143–71; Sylvia R. Frey, Water from the Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991); Betty Wood, The Origins of American Slavery: Freedom and Bondage in the English Colonies (New York: Hill and Wang, 1997); Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1998); Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Robert Olwell, Masters, Slaves, and Subjects: The Culture of Power in the South Carolina Low Country, 1740–1790 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998). For current scholarship, see Gary B. Nash, The Forgotten Fifth: African Americans in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006); Cassandra Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom: Runaway Slaves of the American Revolution and Their Global Quest for Liberty (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006); Simon Schama, Rough Crossings: Britain, the Slaves and the American Revolution (New York: HarperCollins, 2006); Philip D. Morgan and Andrew Jackson O’Shaughnessy, “Arming Slaves in the American Revolution,” in Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, ed. Christopher Leslie Brown and Philip D. Morgan (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 180–208; Judith L. Van Buskirk, “Claiming Their Due: African Americans in the Revolutionary War and Its Aftermath,” in War and Society in the American Revolution: Mobilization and Home Fronts, ed. John Resch and Walter Sargent (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2007), 132–60; Douglas R. Egerton, Death or Liberty: African Americans and Revolutionary America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009); Maya Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011). For this British military strategy, see Jim Piecuch, Three Peoples, One King: Loyalists, Indians, and Slaves in the Revolutionary South, 1775–1782 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008).

3. “The humble ADDRESS of the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, and Common Council of the city of Williamsburg,” Virginia Gazette, 22 April 1775, no. 1237 (“Some wicked”); Earl of Dartmouth to Dunmore, Whitehall, 2 August 1775, 603, TR13.2, Dunmore Correspondence, 1771–1778, JDR (“with a Supply”).

4. “By his Excellency the Right Honourable John Earl of Dunmore …,” American Memory, Library of Congress, accessed July 12, 2017, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=rbpe&fileName=rbpe17/rbpe178/17801800/rbpe17801800.db&recNum=0; “Williamsburg, Nov. 25,” Virginia Gazette, 25 November 1775, no. 1268 (for the proclamation).

5. Cassandra Pybus, “Henry ‘Harry’ Washington (1750s–1790s): A Founding Father’s Slave,” in The Human Tradition in the Atlantic World, 1500–1850, ed. Karen Racine and Beatriz G. Mamigonian (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2010), 103 (“Ethiopian regiment”). On the relationship between Dunmore’s proclamation and its effects on rebels’ sentiments against Great Britain, see Frey, Water from the Rock, 326; Piecuch, Three Peoples, One King, 10. See also Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 18; Schama, Rough Crossings, 7; Egerton, Death or Liberty, 71; Ellen Gibson Wilson, The Loyal Blacks (New York: Capricorn Books, 1976), 24–25; Olwell, Masters, Slaves, and Subjects, 238.

6. Robert Carter to Messrs. Thomas and Rowland Hunt, Merchants London, 18 April 1777, Robert Carter Letter Book, vol. III, TR 07.2, Robert Carter Papers 1760–1793, JDR (“availed themselves”); Major-General Robert Pigot to General Sir William Howe, Newport, 10 April 1778, vol. 9, no. 180, photostat 1083, box 5, BHQP (for the British in Boston); Major General Augustine Prévost to Sir Henry Clinton, Savannah, 2 November 1779, vol. 15, no. 219, photostat 2402, box 11, BHQP (“did wonders”); General Sir Henry Clinton, Proclamation, Head Quarters, Philipsburg, 30 June 1779, vol. 15, no. 132, photostat 2094, box 9, BHQP (for the Philipsburg proclamation); Frey, Water from the Rock, 141, and James W. St. G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone 1783–1870 (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1976), 2 (for support for the rebels); Egerton, Death or Liberty, 6 (for fifteen thousand); Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 8 (for twenty thousand); Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 666 (for South Carolina and Georgia); Kulikoff, “Uprooted Peoples,” 144 (for Maryland, North Carolina, and Virginia).

7. “In the Council of Safety,” Charles-Town, 8 December 1775, Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, vol. III, 66 (“continue[d] to receive” and “be discontinued”); “In the Council of Safety,” 18 December 1775, Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, vol. III, 95 (“less reason,” “robberies and depredations,” “white and black,” and “to cut”); Henry Laurens to Archibald Bulloch, Charles Town, 2 January 1776, PHL, vol. 10, 607 (“Since the practice,” “we have refused,” and “to obtain”). The same letter appears in “Extract of a Letter from Henry Laurens to Archibald Bullock,” 2 January 1776, vol. I, Georgia Council of Safety minutes, MS 0282, GHS.

8. Henry Laurens to Georgetown Committee, Charles Town, 25 January 1776, PHL, vol. 11, 70 (“to Supply” and “be deemed”); “Conversation & information to the Town of Savannah from Govr. Wright by Doctr. Jones & Jos. Clay,” 18 January 1776, folder 7, Joseph Vallence Bevan Papers, MS 0071, GHS (“That if,” “if in their power,” and “destroy it”); John C. Fredriksen, Revolutionary War Almanac (New York: Facts on File, 2006), 55 (for Wright); Andrew Barclay to James Wright, Scarborough, 19 February 1776, vol. I, Georgia Council of Safety minutes, MS 0282, GHS (“his Majesty” and “the Market”).

9. John Penn to Richard Caswell, Philadelphia, 25 June 1777, folder “Correspondence, 1770–1786,” Richard Caswell Papers, 1733–1790, P.C. 242.1, NCSA; John Laurens to Henry Laurens, Valley Forge, 11 April 1778, PHL, vol. 13, 101; Jeremiah Wadsworth to Henry Laurens, Philadelphia, 29 September 1778, PHL, vol. 14, 368.

10. W. R. Jones, “Purveyance for War and the Community of the Realm in Late Medieval England,” Albion 7, no. 4 (January, 1975): 300–16, esp. 301; Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, or, Principles of the Law of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns, with Three Early Essays on the Origin and Nature of Natural Law and on Luxury, ed. Béla Kapossy and Richard Whatmore (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2008), ii, 320 (for fair prices), vii, 533 (for neutrality), iii, 516 (“no moral obligation”), ii, 266 (for refusals to supply).

11. William Earl Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire, 1754–1865, vol. 1, The New Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Warren I. Cohen (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 23–24.

12. “Pitt County, copies of records of the County Committee dealing with taxation and other matters,” 8 July 1775, folder 1, Revolutionary War Papers, 1774–1782, 02194-z, SHC.

13. “An ORDINANCE for establishing a MODE of PUNISHMENT for the ENEMIES in AMERICA in this colony, passed at a CONVENTION held in the city of WILLIAMSBURG on Friday the 1st of December, 1775,” Virginia Gazette, 27 January 1776, no. 1277 (for the Committee of Safety); Virginia Gazette, 16 December 1775, no. 1271 (for the General Assembly).

14. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 192, 203.

15. Joseph Clay to Henry Laurens, Savannah, 16 October 1777, PHL, vol. 11, 560 (for Georgians); “Losses of Arnoldus Vanderhorst by the British,” 1780, folder “12/194/33,” Arnoldus Vanderhorst papers, 1763–1817, 1169.02.01, SCHS; Paul Trapier, “Losses sustained during the British war in America, c. 1783,” 43/508, SCHS.

16. For antipathy, see Kathryn E. Holland Braund, “The Creek Indians, Blacks, and Slavery,” The Journal of Southern History 57, no. 4 (November 1991): 601–36; James H. Merrell, “The Racial Education of the Catawba Indians,” The Journal of Southern History 50, no. 3 (August 1984): 363–84, esp. 364; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 477; Colin G. Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in Native American Communities (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 263; Daniel H. Usner Jr., Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley before 1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 9; Tom Hatley, The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 72–75; Piecuch, Three Peoples, One King, 63; Piecuch, “Incompatible Allies: Loyalists, Slaves, and Indians in Revolutionary South Carolina,” War and Society in the American Revolution, 195; April Lee Hatfield, “Colonial Southeastern Indian History,” Journal of Southern History 73, no. 3 (April 2007): 567–78. For Catawbas, see “In the Council of Safety,” 20 February 1776, Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society (Charleston: Published by the South-Carolina Historical Society, 1859), vol. III, 263–64. For Bull, see Stephen Bull to Henry Laurens, Savannah, 14 March 1776, PHL, vol. 11, 163. For “alarming incursions,” see “Copy of a letter, Charles Lee to Richard Peters,” Charleston, 2 August 1776, f. 52, Charles Lee Letterbook, 1776 July 2–Aug. [27?], SCL.

17. Braund, “The Creek Indians, Blacks, and Slavery,” 622 (for Indian slavery); “An Account of the Life of Mr. DAVID GEORGE, from Sierra Leone in Africa; given by himself in a Conversation with Brother RIPPON of London, and Brother PEARCE of Birmingham” (London, 1793–1797), in Unchained Voices: An Anthology of Black Authors in the English-Speaking World of the Eighteenth Century, ed. Vincent Carretta (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 334; Benjamin Hawkins, “A Sketch of the Creek Country in the Years 1798 and 1799,” in The Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796–1810, ed. Thomas Foster II (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2003), 48 (for Creeks in the 1790s); Robbie Ethridge, Creek Country: The Creek Indians and Their World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 116 (for enslaved crop production in Creek country); Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), 73 (for formerly enslaved children).

18. “At a Council held at Newbern,” 7 April 1778, folder “1778 Apr–Aug,” Council Minutes, 1777–1780, G.O. 119, NCSA (for North Carolina); Major General Horatio Gates to George Washington, Boston, 4 March 1779, n. 6, Founders Online, accessed January 26, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-19-02–0369 (for South Carolina); From Thomas Jefferson to the Commissioners of the specific tax for Albemarle County, in Council, 26 June 1780, Founders Online, accessed January 26, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-15-02–0561 (for the broadside); Horatio Gates to Thomas Jefferson, Camp at Mask Ferry, on the West Bank of Pee-dee, 3 August 1780, Founders Online, accessed January 26, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-03-02–0604 (for Gates’s report).

19. Samuel Massey to [Henry Laurens (no address, docketed by HL, received 30 June, p. 307)], Charles Town, 12 June 1780, PHL, vol. 15, 305–6 (quotes). For initial work on slave foodways, see Robert William Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1974), esp. 111. For this estimate of what enslaved people ate, see Richard Follett, “The Demography of Slavery,” in The Routledge History of Slavery, ed. Gad Heuman and Trevor Burnard (London: Routledge, 2011), 130. See also Jessica B. Harris, High on the Hog: A Culinary Journey from Africa to America (New York: Bloomsbury, 2011).

20. Robert Carter Day Book, vol. XIII (1773–1776), TR 07.2, Robert Carter Papers 1760–1793, JDR.

21. Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 26–27 (for people staying put); James Sidbury, Ploughshares into Swords: Race, Rebellion, and Identity in Gabriel’s Virginia, 1730–1810 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 27 (for escapees from Robert Carter’s plantation); Rhys Isaac, Landon Carter’s Uneasy Kingdom: Revolution and Rebellion on a Virginia Plantation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 3–4 (for people who ran from Landon Carter).

22. John Lewis Gervais to Henry Laurens, Charles Town, 26 July 1777, PHL, vol. 11, 407 (for March); Virginia Gazette, 6 January 1776, no. 1274 (for the self-amputation); Egerton, Death or Liberty, 275 (for branding).

23. Van Buskirk, “Claiming Their Due,” 137 (for battles); Frey, Water from the Rock, 79, and Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 12, 74–75 (for black service on the American side).

24. Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 13–19 (for changing American strategy); Michael McDonnell, “ ‘Fit for Common Service?’: Class, Race, and Recruitment in Revolutionary Virginia,” War and Society in the American Revolution, 108 (for Virginia); John Laurens to Henry Laurens, Head Quarters, 14 January 1778, and John Laurens to Henry Laurens, Head Quarters, 2 February 1778, The Army Correspondence of Colonel John Laurens, vol. II, 108, 116. The first letter also appears in PHL, vol. 12, 305 (for John Laurens’s proposal); Henry Laurens to John Laurens, York, 6 February 1778, PHL, vol. 12, 412 (for his father’s reaction); John Lewis Gervais to Henry Laurens, Charles Town, 16 March 1778, PHL, vol. 13, 5 (for the Gervais proposal); Nathanael Greene to Governor Mathews, n.p., 11 February 1782, f. 76, reel 1, Nathanael Greene papers, MSS24026, microfilm shelf no. 13,421, LOC (for Mathews).

25. Egerton, Death or Liberty, 81–83 (for the Continental Congress); 4 February 1782, folder “General Assembly Committee Reports 1782, #11–13,” box 27, South Carolina General Assembly Committee Reports, 1776–1879, S165005, SCDAH (quote).

26. “An Account of the Life of Mr. DAVID GEORGE,” 336.

27. Jane G. Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 9, 24–25.

28. Dunmore to Lord George Germain, Ship Dunmore in Elizabeth River, Virginia, 30 March 1776, TR 13.1, Dunmore Correspondence, 1771–1778, JDR; John Lewis Gervais to Henry Laurens, Charles Town, 16 March 1778, PHL, vol. 13, 5; Sir Henry Clinton, “Memoranda for the Commondant of Charleston and Earl Cornwallis,” Head Quarters, Charles Town, 3 June 1780, vol. 19, no. 11, photostat 2800, box 13, BHQP (“those Negroes”). For the Black Pioneers as companies, see Moving On: Black Loyalists in the Afro-Atlantic World, ed. John W. Pulis (New York: Garland Publishing, 1999), xv. Scholars disagree about whether or not the Black Pioneers bore arms. For the Pioneers as noncombatants, see Todd W. Braisted, “The Black Pioneers and Others: The Military Role of Black Loyalists in the American War for Independence,” in Moving On, 12. For the Black Pioneers receiving arms, see Pybus, “Henry ‘Harry’ Washington (1750s–1790s),” 104.

29. Head Quarters, York, 4 September 1781, f. 36 (for peas), and 13 September 1781, f. 44 (“Grat abusses”), Charles Cornwallis, Orderly book, 28 June to 19 October 1781, PH 02 24, JDR. For kettle shortages, see Brigadier General Augustine Prévost to Sir Henry Clinton, Ebenezer, 15 March 1779, vol. 15, no. 173, photostat 1829, box 8, BHQP; Brigadier General Augustine Prévost to Sir Henry Clinton, Savannah, 16 April 1779, vol. 15, no. 179, photostat 1925, box 8, BHQP; See also Egerton, Death or Liberty, 86.

30. Augustine Prévost to Henry Clinton, Savannah, 2 November 1779, vol. 15, no. 219, photostat 2402, box 11, BHQP (quote). On rations and white Loyalists, see Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 32. On plunder, see Braisted, “The Black Pioneers and Others,” 23.

31. “WILLIAMSBURG, December 2,” Virginia Gazette, 2 December 1775, no. 1269 (“Dunmore’s banditti”); Egerton, Death or Liberty, 67 (for Titus); Augustine Prévost to Henry Clinton, Savannah, 2 November 1779, vol. 15, no. 219, photostat 2402, box 11, BHQP (for Prévost’s assessments). See also Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 29.

32. For roles during the war, see Frey, Water from the Rock, 169; Pybus, “Henry ‘Harry’ Washington (1750s–1790s),” 106. For Furman, see Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 91. For Allen, see “Book of Negroes Registered & certified after having been Inspected by the Commissioners appointed by His Excellency Sr: Guy Carleton K.B. General & Commander in Chief, on Board Sundry Vessels in which they were Embarked Previous to the time of sailing from the Port of New York between the 23d April and 31st July 1783 both Days Included,” f. 67, photostat 10427, box 43, BHQP. For the Georges, see “An Account of the Life of Mr. DAVID GEORGE,” 336. For Liele, see John W. Pulis, “Bridging Troubled Waters: Moses Baker, George Liele, and the African American Diaspora to Jamaica,” Moving On, 194–95.

33. “An Account of the Life of Mr. DAVID GEORGE,” 336 (quote). For a similar point about the Revolution scattering families, see Sara T. Damiano, “Writing Women’s History through the Revolution: Family Finances, Letter Writing, and Conceptions of Marriage,” William and Mary Quarterly 74, no. 4 (October 2017): 697–728, esp. 702, 706.

34. Boyrereau Brinch (Jeffrey Brace), The Blind African Slave, or Memoirs of Boyrereau Brinch, Nick-named Jeffrey Brace. Containing an Account of the Kingdom of Bow-Woo, in the Interior of Africa; with the Climate and Natural Productions, Laws, and Customs Peculiar to That Place. With an Account of His Captivity, Sufferings, Sales, Travels, Emancipation, Conversion to the Christian Religion, Knowledge of the Scriptures, &c. Interspersed with Strictures on Slavery, Speculative Observations on the Qualities of Human Nature, with Quotation from Scripture (St. Albans, VT: Printed by Harry Whitney, 1810), 157–58; Documenting the American South, accessed December 4, 2015, http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/brinch/menu.html (quote); Van Buskirk, “Claiming Their Due,” 155 (for the hog); “The Life and Confession of JOHNSON GREEN, Who is to be Executed this Day, August 17th, 1786, for the Atrocious Crime of Burglary; Together with his LAST and DYING WORDS,” 17 August 1786, Unchained Voices, 135 (for Green); Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, 91 (for Grandison, Burns, and Coopers); Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 21 (for Handley). On hunger in Brinch’s narrative, see Lynn R. Johnson, “Narrating an Indigestible Trauma: The Alimentary Grammar of Boyrereau Brinch’s Middle Passage,” in Journeys of the Slave Narrative in the Early Americas, ed. Nicole N. Aljoe and Ian Frederick Finseth (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2014), 127–42.

35. Schama, Rough Crossings, 88 (for the island’s inhabitants); “General orders,” 7 December 1775, f. 17, Orderly books of William Moultrie, 1775, June 20–1780, December 15, HM 681, HL (for plans of the expedition); “Major Pinkney’s Instructions,” 9 December 1775, Signed Wm. Moultrie, Charles Town, 7 December 1775, f. 17, Orderly books of William Moultrie, 1775, June 20–1780, December 15, HM 681, HL (for Moultrie’s instructions); Henry Laurens to Col. Richardson, Charles Town, 19 December 1775, in “Journal of the Council of Safety, Appointed by the Provisional Congress,” November 1775, Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, vol. III, 102 (for Laurens’s report).

36. Messers. Stedman and Booth, Commissaries, “A General Abstract of Provisions, Issued to His Majesty’s Army, late under the Command of the Right Honourable Lieutenant-General Earl Cornwallis, on the March of that Army through the Provinces of North-Carolina and Virginia, in the Years 1780 and 1781,” f. 5, part 1, CO 5/8, TNA.

37. “The Life and Confession of JOHNSON GREEN,” 135.

38. Daniel Claus to Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 16 September 1779, f. 69, Add. MS 21774, BL (“every thing was” and “he heard”); Groth, “Black Loyalists and African American Allegiance in the Mid-Hudson Valley,” 91 (“Blacks in the Kitchen”).

39. Daniel Claus to Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 16 September 1779, f. 69, Add. MS 21774, BL.

40. For “the daring,” “carry off,” “The free booty,” “their numbers,” and “daily increasing,” see James Jackson to the Governor of South Carolina, n.p., 1787, Joseph Vallence Bevan Papers, MS 0071, folder 10, GHS. This letter is simply dated 1787, so Jackson could have been writing to William Moultrie or to Thomas Pinckney. For “left six” and “Their baggage,” see James Gunn to James Jackson, n.p., 6 May 1787, Joseph Vallence Bevan Papers, MS 0071, folder 10, GHS. See also Merrell, “The Racial Education of the Catawba Indians,” 371.

41. “Memoirs of the Life of BOSTON KING, a Black Preacher. Written by Himself, during his Residence at Kingswood-School” (London, 1798), Unchained Voices, 356.

42. General Frederick Haldimand to [unknown], Quebec, 21 April 1783, vol. VIII, William A. Smy Collection, LAC (“are not considered”); Brigadier General Allan Maclean to General Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 2 May 1783, vol. VIII, William A. Smy Collection, LAC (“the Indians”); Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1972), 259 (for the treaty’s terms).

5. Fighting Hunger, Fearing Violence after the Revolutionary War

1. James Seagrove to [Henry Knox], Rock Landing on Oconee, 5 July 1792, 172, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR. I thank Kathie Ludwig at the David Library of the American Revolution for sending a scan of this document.

2. Robbie Ethridge, Creek Country: The Creek Indians and Their World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 61–62, 75, 152.

3. For works on this period, see James H. Merrell, “Declarations of Independence: Indian-White Relations in the New Nation,” in The American Revolution: Its Character and Limits, ed. Jack P. Greene (New York: New York University Press, 1987), 197–223; Reginald Horsman, “The Indian Policy of an ‘Empire for Liberty,’ ” in Native Americans and the Early Republic, ed. Frederick E. Hoxie, Ronald Hoffman, and Peter J. Albert (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999), 37–61; Stuart Banner, How the Indians Lost Their Land: Law and Power on the Frontier (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005), esp. chaps. 4 and 5; Kathleen DuVal, “Independence for Whom?: Expansion and Conflict in the South and Southwest,” in The World of the Revolutionary American Republic: Land, Labor, and the Conflict for a Continent, ed. Andrew Shankman (New York: Routledge, 2014), 97–115; Alyssa Mt. Pleasant, “Independence for Whom?: Expansion and Conflict in the Northeast and Northwest,” The World of the Revolutionary American Republic, 116–33.

4. Collin G. Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in North American Communities (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 153 (for migrations); “Substance of Captain Brant’s Wishes respecting forming a Settlement of Mohawk & others of the Six Nation Indians upon the Grand River &ca.,” n.d., f. 67, Add. MS 21829, BL (“about Six Miles”); Alan Taylor, The Divided Ground: Indians, Settlers, and the Northern Borderland of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage, 2006), 119–20 (for Iroquois locations), 122–23 (for Brant and Grand River), 160 (for Stanwix).

5. Allan Maclean to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 19 July 1783, f. 197, Add. MS 21763, BL (“Continue to Victuall”); Allan Maclean to Ephraim Douglass, Niagara, 16 July 1783, folder 27, box 23, PSP (for Niagara rations); Daniel Claus to Frederick Haldimand, Montreal, 19 January 1784, f. 348, Add. MS 21774, BL (for Montreal Mohawks).

6. “Substance of Captain Brant’s Wishes respecting forming a Settlement of Mohawk & others of the Six Nation Indians upon the Grand River &ca.,” n.d., f. 67, Add. MS 21829, BL (“assist them”); Copy of a letter from P. Langan to Lt. Governor Hamilton, Montreal, 18 November 1784, f. 633, Add. MS 21735, BL (“Commissioners from” and “report the same”); Taylor, The Divided Ground, 124 (for rent in provisions).

7. Allan Maclean to Frederick Haldimand, Niagara, 1 August 1783, ff. 214–15, Add. MS 21763, BL.

8. 12 October 1784, f. 30, Indian Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP. NB: Unlike most of the Wayne Papers, this volume consists of different sections of unlabeled documents with more than one set of folio numbers, which are sometimes placed at the top of the page and sometimes at the bottom. For ease of reference, the folio numbers cited here refer to the numbers at the bottom pages of the volume. All other citations to Wayne Papers volumes refer to folio numbers at the top right of the volume.

9. 20 October 1784, f. 37, Indian Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (“You are” and “You have”); 15 January 1785, f. 49, Indian Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (“we claim”).

10. Bradford Perkins, The Creation of a Republican Empire, 1776–1865, vol. 1, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Warren I. Cohen (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 55 (for the Department of Foreign Affairs), 74 (for the Secretary of State); Max Edling, A Revolution in Favor of Government: Origins of the U.S. Constitution and the Making of the American State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 83 (for domestic taxes), 129–206 (for economic and military considerations under the Articles). See also Horsman, “The Indian Policy of an ‘Empire for Liberty,’ ” 38.

11. The Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796–1810, ed. Thomas Foster II (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2003), 7–8 (for Congress’s appointments).

12. See for example George Handley to William Few and Abraham Baldwin, 26 April 1788, Governor’s Letter Book, 20 October 1786–31 May 1789, 167–68, Transcripts, GDAH.

13. Taylor, The Divided Ground, 153, 155, 159, 246–47. See also Kathy D. Matson and Peter S. Onuf, A Union of Interests: Political and Economic Thought in Revolutionary America (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1990), 2, 4.

14. Taylor, The Divided Ground, 163, 165 (quote). For northern crop failures and the Hessian fly, see Alan Taylor, “ ‘The Hungry Year’: 1789 on the Northern Border of Revolutionary America,” in Dreadful Visitations: Confronting Natural Catastrophe in the Age of Enlightenment, ed. Alessa Johns (New York: Routledge, 1999), 145–81, esp. 145–47. For crop failures among Creeks and Cherokees, see [James Seagrove] to the Kings & Chiefs of the Cussetas & Cowettas with all other Chiefs of the Creek Nation, St. Mary’s in Georgia, 6 October 1791, 221, and James Seagrove to [Henry Knox], Rock Landing on Oconee, 5 July 1792, 172, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR.

15. For food aid from New York, see Taylor, The Divided Ground, 198. On the fly’s diet, see Kathy L. Flanders, Dominic D. Reisig, G. David Buntin, Matthew Winslow, D. Ames Herbert Jr., and Douglas W. Johnson, “Biology and Management of Hessian Fly in the Southeast,” Entomology at the University of Kentucky, January 2013, accessed February 16, 2017, https://entomology.ca.uky.edu/files/efpdf1/ef155.pdf. I am grateful to Kathy Flanders for confirming via email on February 27, 2017, that Hessian flies will not attack corn.

16. Christopher Densmore, Red Jacket: Iroquois Diplomat and Orator (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1999), xv, 23.

17. Mt. Pleasant, “Independence for Whom?,” 120–21 (for the murders); Taylor, The Divided Ground, 236 (for Pennsylvania); [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 30 October 1790, f. 43, reel 61, TPP (“provisions prepared”); Horatio Jones to Timothy Pickering, [Geneseo], 24 October 1790, f. 50, reel 61, TPP (“hang[ing] some,” “Antiant customs,” “a little Staff,” and “walking staff”). Pickering called him “Tishkaaga … usually called Seneca Billy.” Granville Ganter calls him Gissehhacke, or Little Billy. The Collected Speeches of Sagoyewatha, or Red Jacket, ed. Granville Ganter (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2006), 1–3. For the kettles, see Daniel K. Richter, Trade, Land, Power: The Struggle for Eastern North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 59. For the walking staff, see Timothy Pickering to Captain William Ross, Tioga Point, 30 October 1790, f. 58a, reel 61, TPP.

18. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 30 October 1790, f. 44, reel 61, TPP.

19. Bezaleel Seely to Timothy Pickering, Chemung, 28 September 1790, f. 30, reel 61, TPP (for Seely’s message); [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 9 November 1790, f. 47, reel 61, TPP (for the rumors and Pickering’s change of strategy).

20. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 15 November 1790, f. 64, reel 61, TPP (quotes); Sarah M. S. Pearsall, “Recentering Indian Women in the American Revolution,” in Why You Can’t Teach United States History without American Indians, ed. Susan Sleeper-Smith, Juliana Barr, Jean M. O’Brien, Nancy Shoemaker, and Scott Manning Stevens (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015), 57–70, esp. 60 (for Johnson). See also Jane T. Merritt, “Metaphor, Meaning, and Misunderstanding: Language and Power on the Pennsylvania Frontier,” in Contact Points: American Frontiers from the Mohawk Valley to the Mississippi, 1750–1830, ed. Andrew R. L. Cayton and Fredrika J. Teute (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 77; Claudio Saunt, “ ‘Domestick … Quiet being broke’: Gender Conflict among Creek Indians in the Eighteenth Century,” in Contact Points, 151–74; Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change, 1700–1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998).

21. Timothy Pickering to George Washington, 4 December 1790, Wilkes barre, [Pennsylvania], in Founders Online, accessed April 5, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-07-02–0014 (quote). For their numbers, see Timothy Pickering to George Washington, 23 December 1790, Philadelphia, in Founders Online, accessed April 5, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-07-02–0065. For the cost, see “Enclosure: Estimate of the expense of necessaries for the meeting of the Seneca Indians at Tioga,” 25 October 1790, Founders Online, accessed April 5, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-06-02-0191–0002.

22. “Questions relative to the proposed Indian Treaty and Hendrick’s Answers,” 24 February 1793, f. 55, reel 59, TPP (for Aupaumut’s information); Benjamin Rush, “Questions to be asked of the Indians by Col. Pickering,” Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, ff. 184–86a, reel 61, TPP (“tying their,” “Spikenard,” “often,” and “excretions”); [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 9 November 1790, f. 47, reel 61, TPP (“two or three”). On Aupaumut, see also Alan Taylor, “Captain Hendrick Aupaumut: The Dilemmas of an Intercultural Broker,” Ethnohistory 43, no. 3 (Summer 1996): 431–57.

23. Richard Winn to Henry Knox, Winnsborough, 25 June 1788, sec. F, vol. 3, box 3, Henry Knox Papers II, 1736–1803, Ms. N-198, MHS. See also Richard Winn to General Knox, Winnsborough, 25 June 1788, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, ed. Walter Lowrie and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, vol. 1 (Washington, DC: Gales and Seaton, 1832), 26.

24. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 21 June 1791, ff. 73–74, reel 60, TPP (“to hang”); “Letter sent from Timothy Pickering by the Oneida Runners to the Senecas, &c.,” 21 June 1791, f. 74, reel 60, TPP (“be exceedingly,” “the lowness,” “the goods and provisions,” “beef & corn,” and “walking Staff”); [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 25 June 1791, ff. 74–74a, reel 60, TPP (“that the business”).

25. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 25 June 1791 (for Pickering’s payment), 14 July 1791 (for Red Jacket’s critique), ff. 74–74a, 106, reel 60, TPP.

26. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 17 July 1791, f. 111a (for Iroquois numbers), f. 112 (“one barrel” and “hanging on”), and 10 August 1791, f. 117 (“the great expences”), reel 60, TPP.

27. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 17 July 1791, f. 111a, reel 60, TPP (quote). For additional food exchanges see Timothy Pickering to the Secretary of War, Kanandaigua, 15 October 1794, f. 204, reel 60, TPP. For the Senecas’ visit, see Daniel K. Richter, “Onas, the Long Knife: Pennsylvania and the Indians, 1783–1794,” Native Americans and the Early Republic, 144. For the larger Iroquois delegation, see Densmore, Red Jacket, 36–37.

28. [Samuel Elbert?] to William Houstoun, John Habersham, and Abraham Baldwin, Savannah, 9 June 1785, 34, Force Transcripts, Georgia Records, Council Correspondence 1782–1789 & Governors Correspondence, GDAH (“boundary line”); [Anonymous] to Elijah Clarke, Savannah, 9 June 1785, 33, Force Transcripts, Georgia Records, Council Correspondence 1782–1789 & Governors Correspondence, GDAH (other quotes).

29. William Blount to John Steele, Greenville, 11 January 1789, folder 4, John Steele Papers, 1716–1846, Collection 00689, Series 1.2, SHC (“the only,” “such as,” and “a better”); John Steele to Alexander Martin, Salisbury, 19 February 1789, folder 4, John Steele Papers, 1716–1846, Collection 00689, Series 1.2, SHC (“absolutely forbidden”).

30. George Handley to John Sevier, n.p., 19 February 1788, 139, Governor’s Letter Book, 20 October 1786–31 May 1789, Transcripts, GDAH (quote). For these state campaigns, see George Mathews to Jared Irwin, n.p., 28 November 1795, 46, Governor’s Letter Book of George Walton, Governor, 10 August 1795–17 January 1796, and James Jackson, Governor, 24 January 1798–3 January 1799, GDAH. For the Intercourse Act, see Banner, How the Indians Lost their Land, 135.

31. Anthony Bledsoe to Richard Caswell, Nashville, 12 May 1786, folder “Governor Richard Caswell (2nd Administration), Correspondence, January 14–December 21, 1786,” box 3, Governor’s Papers, Series 2, NCSA; Anthony Bledsoe to John Sevier, Sumner County, 5 August 1787, 158, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, Part 1, GDAH. See also Thomas Evans to Richard Caswell, Nashville, 25 November 1787, Governor’s Papers, Series 2, folder “Governor Richard Caswell (2nd Administration), Correspondence, January 7–November 25, 1787,” NCSA. For additional reports of violence, see Brigadier General Clark to [George Walton], Washington, 29 May 1789, folder 4, John Steele Papers, 1716–1846, Collection 00689, Series 1.2, SHC; James Seagrove to [Henry Knox], St. Mary’s, 14 June 1792, 160, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR. For Seagrove’s letter, see James Seagrove to [Henry Knox], Rock Landing on Oconee, 5 July 1792, 172, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR. For reports about Cherokees, see Joseph Blackwell to George Mathews, Woffort Fort, 7 June 1794, 15, Cherokee Indian Letters, Talks and Treaties, 1786–1838, Transcripts, GDAH. For Seagrove’s relocation see [Henry Knox] to James Seagrove, n.p., 31 August 1792, 95, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR.

32. Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, and Jos. Martin to John Hancock, Hopewell, 4 January 1786, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, ed. Walter Lowrie and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, vol. 1 (Washington, DC: Gales and Seaton, 1832), 49–50 (quote, 50).

33. [James Seagrove] to the “Kings & Chiefs of the Cussetas & Cowettas with all other Chiefs of the Creek Nation, St. Mary’s in Georgia,” 6 October 1791, 221, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR.

34. Extract of a letter from James Seagrove to [Henry Knox], Rock Landing on the Oconee, 27 July 1792, 204, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR.

35. George Washington, [communication to the senate], 25 June 1795, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, ed. Walter Lowrie and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, vol. 1 (Washington: Gales and Seaton, 1832), 560 (for Seagrove’s invitation and the names of other federal officials); “A talk from James Seagrove to the Creek Chiefs, submitted to Governor Irwin,” folder “Ca. 1796,” box 1807, Governor—Executive Dept.—Governor’s Subject Files—1781–1802, GDAH (quote). See also “A talk from James Seagrove to the Kings, Chiefs, Headmen & Warriors of the Upper and Lower Creeks, Simanolias, and all other Tribes living in the Creek Land,” [9 April 1796], 472, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 2, Transcripts, GDAH. For the Yazoo Sale, see Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), 91; Angela Pulley Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads: Indians, Settlers, and Slaves and the Making of the American South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 28, 46.

36. James Hendricks to Jared Irwin, Savannah, 18 May 1796, f. 20, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (for seven thousand attendees); 7 June 1796, f. 54, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (for accounts of what Indians ate); James Hendricks to Jared Irwin, Savannah, 18 May 1796, f. 21, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (for Georgia’s contractor); James McHenry to Governor Jared Irwin, War Office, 3 March 1796, PC 39, Pickens Papers, HL (for treaty costs paid by Georgia). Georgia commissioners recorded, “Twenty two Kings, seventy five principal Chiefs, and 150 Warriors present,” spread out among twenty different towns, but a return by James Seagrove reveals that the Georgia commissioners did not include the 126 young men, 31 women, and 29 children also present. See 17 June 1796, f. 64, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS; James Seagrove, “A Return of Creek Indians at Colerain,” 14 June 1796, EA 517, Papers of William Eaton, 1792–1829, EA 1–555, FAC 385–, HL. Note that the folio numbers of the manuscripts in the GHS disappear toward the end of this volume; I have cited those that I have.

37. James Hendricks to the Commissioners of the United States, Coleraine, 31 May 1796, f. 37, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (for the denunciation); Benjamin Hawkins and George Clymer to [James Hendricks, James Jackson, and James Simms], 26 May 1796, f. 39, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (for other regulations); James Hendricks to the Commissioners of the United States, Coleraine, 31 May 1796, f. 37, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (“under the actual”); Benjamin Hawkins, George Clymer, and Andrew Pickens to the Commissioners of the State of Georgia, Coleraine, 1 June 1796, f. 40, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (for Hawkins’s response).

38. 18 June 1796, f. 72, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (for the proofreading); 28 June 1796, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (“where the Commissioners”). The only portion of the talk that the federal commissioners rejected outright was Georgia’s definition of slaves, which Hawkins tried to define more narrowly.

39. For slaves, cattle, hogs, and horses, see James Hendricks, James Jackson, and James Simms to Jared Irwin, Louisville, 24 April 1796, ff. 3–4; James Hendricks to Jared Irwin, Savannah, 18 May 1796, f. 20; James Hendricks to Jared Irwin, Savannah, 24 May 1796, f. 31, all in Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS. For the speech, see 18 June 1796, f. 77, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS.

40. Ethridge, Creek Country, 102 (tcoko-thlako), 104 (for square etiquette); 18 June 1796, f. 81, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (“not one”).

41. [James Hendricks, James Jackson, and James Simms] to Jared Irwin, 22 June 1796, f. 89, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS (quotes). See also Claudio Saunt, A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 80–81.

42. [James Hendricks, James Jackson, and James Simms] to Jared Irwin, 22 June 1796, f. 93, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS.

43. 24 and 25 June 1796, Georgia Commission to Attend a Treaty with the Creek Indians journal, 1796, MS 280, GHS.

44. For the budget, see William Earl Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire, 1754–1865, vol. I of The New Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Warren I. Cohen (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 56.

45. For representative works on this period, see Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745–1815 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), chap. 5; Colin G. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America (New York: Viking, 2007); Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 160; Harvey Lewis Carter, The Life and Times of Little Turtle: First Sagamore of the Wabash (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987); Sami Lakomäki, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600–1870 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 102–31. For Shawnee-Miami relationships, see Laura Keenan Spero, “ ‘Stout, Bold, Cunning, and the greatest Travellers in America’: The Colonial Shawnee Diaspora” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2010), 288. For Creeks, Delawares, and Shawnees, see Martin, Sacred Revolt, 50, 116; Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads, 21. For Chickamaugas, see Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, xviii, 52, 91, 93. For Gnadenhütten, see John Sugden, Blue Jacket: Warrior of the Shawnees (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 52; Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 72. For Bird, Elliott, McKee, and Girty, see Elizabeth Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire: Political Differentiation in Massachusetts and Nova Scotia, ca. 1760–1830 (New York: Routledge, 2005), 26; John Clarke, Land, Power, and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 58, 60, 93–154. For rumors of the confederacy, see William Grayson, Richard Henry Lee, and Edward Carrington to [Edmund Randolph], New York, 22 July 1787, box 6, Robert Alonzo Brock Collection, mssBR, HL. For the triumvirate, see Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 86–87.

46. 26 January 1786, f. 80, Indian Talks and Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (quote). For the treaties, see Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 78, 80, 83, 89; Sugden, Blue Jacket, 84. For Chillicothe, see Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, xiii, 39, 55, 164–70.

47. For preemptive burning, see Jean François Hamtramck to Josiah Harmar, Fort Knox, 28 November 1790, vol. 13, Josiah Harmar Papers, CL; Sugden, Blue Jacket, 100; Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 90. For warriors’ hunting, see Carter, The Life and Times of Little Turtle, 105, 125; Sugden, Blue Jacket, 162, 164.

48. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 454 (for stuffed mouths); William Blount to [Henry Knox], 11 September 1792, f. 311, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR (quote); [Henry Knox] to [Charles Pinckney], 27 October 1792, ff. 104–5, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, film 455, DLAR (for Upper Creeks); Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 105–6 (for the 1792 meeting).

49. John C. Kotruch, “The Battle of Fallen Timbers: An Assertion of U.S. Sovereignty in the Atlantic World along the Banks of the Maumee River,” in Between Sovereignty and Anarchy: The Politics of Violence in the American Revolutionary Era, ed. Patrick Griffin, Robert G. Ingram, Peter S. Onuf, and Brian Schoen (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2015), 270.

50. James Wilkinson to Messrs Elliot & Williams, Contractors, Camp on Deer Creek, 18 November 1793, f. 118, vol. XXX, AWP (“I am here”); Carter, The Life and Times of Little Turtle, 128 (for stockpiling); Copy of a Contract for supplying the Western Posts with provisions for the year 1792 made and concluded in Philadelphia, 24 September 1791, f. 195, Indian Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (“losses sustained”).

51. William Wells, Deposition to Anthony Wayne, Hobsons Choice, 16 September 1793, f. 46, vol. XXIX, AWP; Major Strong to [James Wilkinson], Fort Jefferson, 25 June 1792, f. 60, vol. XX, AWP (for the hay); Anthony Wayne to Henry Knox, Camp SW Branch of Miami, Six Miles advanced of Fort Jefferson, 23 October 1793, f. 35, vol. XXX, AWP (for the corn and “the Savages”). On Wells see also Carter, The Life and Times of Little Turtle, 121.

52. Henry Knox to Anthony Wayne, War Department, 2 March 1793, f. 57, vol. XXV, AWP; Henry Knox to Anthony Wayne, War Department, 2 February 1793, f. 121, vol. XXIV, AWP (for the commissioners); Henry Knox to Benjamin Lincoln, 9 [March] 1792, f. 24, reel 10, Benjamin Lincoln Papers, P-40, MHS (for the commissioners and treaty location); White, The Middle Ground, 461 (for background); Anthony Wayne to Brigadier General James Wilkinson, Head Quarters, Legion Ville, 19 February 1793, f. 47, vol. XXV, AWP (for plans to supply provisions); Sebastian Bairman to [Timothy Pickering], New York, 27 April 1793, f. 89, reel 59, TPP (for articles provided); Estimate of the Supplies for the Commissioners and their attendants, on the proposed treaty with the Indians at Sandusky, [1793], and Estimate for the Supplies of the Commissioners & their Attendants On the intended Treaty with the Indians at Sandusky, ff. 276–78, reel 59 (for costs); Timothy Pickering to Sebastian Bairman, Philadelphia, 23 March 1793, f. 137a, reel 60, TPP (for requests for specific articles).

53. William Hull to [Alexander Hamilton], Niagara, 6 February 1793, ff. 47–48, reel 59, TPP (quote). On Simcoe see Larry L. Nelson, A Man of Distinction Among Them: Alexander McKee and the Ohio Country Frontier, 1754–1799 (Kent, OH: The Kent State University Press, 1999), 149; Taylor, The Divided Ground, 279. On the Confederacy at McKee’s see Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 99; Carter, The Life and Times of Little Turtle, 120; Reginald Horsman, Matthew Elliott, British Indian Agent (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1964), 77.

54. Memo. of Instructions given to Captain Hendrick by Colonel Pickering, Niagara, 4 June 1793, f. 146, reel 60, TPP (“a large” and “hunt on”); 16 August 1793, At the Mouth of the Detroit River, ff. 173–173a, reel 60, TPP (for the Shawnees’ answer); Extracts from the Journal of the Commissioners of the United States, appointed to hold a Treaty at Sandusky, with the western Indians, in the year 1793, f. 260, Indian Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (for the Shawnees’ suggestions). For the commissioners’ response see Nelson, A Man of Distinction among Them, 143, 156, 164–66; Horsman, Matthew Elliott, British Indian Agent, 83, 88; Sugden, Blue Jacket, 498; Carter, The Life and Times of Little Turtle, 60, 418, 420.

55. [Captain Hendrick’s narrative of his journey in July, August, September, and October 1791], f. 8a, reel 59, TPP (“three years”); [Diary of Thomas Proctor], to Henry Knox, 12 May 1791, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, ed. Walter Lowrie and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, vol. 1 (Washington: Gales and Seaton, 1832), 159 (“great quantities”); Horsman, Matthew Elliott, British Indian Agent, 70 (for Elliott’s boat), 93; Memorandum of John Heckewelder for the information of the Commissioners, River La Frenchée, 17 to 23 June 1793, f. 186, reel 59, TPP; Horsman, Matthew Elliott, British Indian Agent, 79; Sugden, Blue Jacket, 146 (for provisions at McKee’s storehouse).

56. Anthony Wayne to Henry Knox, Hobson’s Choice near Fort Washington, 2 July 1793, f. 87, vol. XXVII, AWP (for June 1); John Heckewelder, Memorandum, for the information of the Commissioners, River La Frenchée, from 17 June to 23 June 1793, f. 184, reel 59, TPP (quote).

57. Nicholas Rosencrantz to Anthony Wayne, Fort Franklin, 23 September 1793, f. 71, vol. XXIX, AWP (“ordered three” and “sais we shall”); Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Randolph, and Timothy Pickering to Anthony Wayne, Fort Erie, 23 August 1793, f. 96, vol. XXVIII, AWP; Henry Knox to Anthony Wayne, War Department, 3 September 1793, f. 120, vol. XXVIII, AWP (“be adequate”).

58. Anthony Wayne to Henry Knox, Head Quarters, Greene Ville, 25 January 1794, f. 62, vol. XXXII, AWP (“put a period”); Anthony Wayne, Speech to the Six Nations, Greene Ville, 26 March 1794, f. 81, vol. XXXIII, AWP (“some Angry,” and “eat or drank”).

59. Anthony Wayne, Speech to the Six Nations, Greene Ville, 26 March 1794, f. 81, vol. XXXIII, AWP (“in consequence,” “this mode,” and “is Cowardly”); Anthony Wayne to Nicholas Rosencrantz, Head Quarters, Greene Ville, 26 March 1794, f. 82, vol. XXXIII, AWP (“cool”); Proceedings of a council holden at Buffaloe Creek, 9 February 1794, enclosed in Israel Chapin to Henry Knox, Canadaraqua, 25 February 1794, f. 13, vol. XXXIII, AWP (“in such”); Sugden, Blue Jacket, 157 (for Brant’s faction); Anthony Wayne to Henry Knox, Head Quarters, Greene Ville, 14 December 1794, box 9, Anthony Wayne Papers, CL.

60. For Buchanan’s Station see Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 96, 110. For Fort Recovery see “The Examination of a Potawatime Woman who was in the Attack upon Fort Recovery, & taken prisoner by Mr. Wells,” 23 July 1794, f. 101, vol. XXVI, AWP. Initial accounts of the Indians’ numbers ranged from 500 to 2,000 men. For 500, see Alexander Gibson to Anthony Wayne, Fort Recovery, 30 June 1794, f. 52, vol. XXVI. For 1,000 and 1,500 see Anthony Wayne to Messrs Elliot & Williams, Head Quarters, Greene Ville, 4 July 1794, f. 68. For 2,000 see Extract of a letter from Anthony Wayne to Henry Knox, Head Quarters, Greene Ville, 7 July 1794, f. 77, vol. XXVI, AWP.

61. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 102 (for the Ottawas); Alexander Gibson to Anthony Wayne, Fort Recovery, 30 June 1794, f. 52, vol. XXVI, AWP (for horses and cattle); Alexander Gibson to [Anthony Wayne?], Fort Recovery, 5 July 1794, f. 72, vol. XXVI, AWP (“killed & eat”); Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 102–3 (for Ottawas, Ojibwas, Potawatomis, and Little Turtle); Examination of a Shawanoe Prisoner taken by Cap. Wells, 12 August 1794, f. 4, vol. XXXVII, AWP (for the Confederacy’s numbers in August).

62. Anthony Wayne to Henry Knox, Head Quarters, Grand Glaize, 28 August 1798, f. 15, vol. XXXVII, AWP (“cover’d with” and “It is with”); John Caldwell to Charles Scott, n.p., 1 September 1794, f. 31, vol. XXXVII, AWP (“to pieces” and “destroyed all”); Anthony Wayne to Henry Knox, Head Quarters, Grand Glaize, 28 August 1794, f. 15, vol. XXXVII, AWP (“waste the villages”). See also Carter, The Life and Times of Little Turtle, 135, 137; Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 113.

63. General Orders, Head Quarters, Banks of the Miami, 23 August 1794, f. 10, vol. XXXVII, AWP (“produce a conviction”). For assertions about Indians’ faith in the British, see Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 104; Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire, 1754–1865, 57.

64. Narrative of Lassell, 16 October 1794, f. 92, vol. XXXVII, AWP (“well & regularly”); Thomas Hunt to Anthony Wayne, Fort Defiance, 9 June 1795, f. 57, vol. XLI, AWP (“large Feasts”). See also Sugden, Blue Jacket, 181; Nelson, A Man of Distinction among Them, 172–73; Andrew R. L. Cayton, “ ‘Noble Actors’ upon ‘the Theatre of Honour’: Power and Civility in the Treaty of Greenville,” in Contact Points, 238; Patrick Griffin, American Leviathan: Empire, Nation, and Revolutionary Frontier (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007), 250.

65. Kotruch, “The Battle of Fallen Timbers,” 275 (for geopolitics after Fallen Timbers); Cayton, “ ‘Noble Actors’ upon ‘the Theatre of Honour,’ ” 238; Griffin, American Leviathan, 250 (for Jay’s Treaty); Snyder, “Native Nations in the Age of Revolutions,” The World of the Revolutionary American Republic: Land, Labor, and the Conflict for a Continent, 89 (for the Treaty of San Lorenzo); “Proceedings of a council held at Fort Knox by Capt. Pasteur with the Potawatomis,” Fort Knox, 19 April 1795, f. 58, vol. XL, AWP (“something to eat”); Thomas Hunt to Anthony Wayne, Fort Defiance, 9 May 1795, f. 104, vol. XL, AWP (for the Delawares’ request); John Hamtramck to Anthony Wayne, Fort Defiance, 7 May 1795, f. 98, vol. XL, AWP (“Bring his Nation” and “Supply them”).

66. For the treaty grounds, see Griffin, American Leviathan, 248–49; Cayton, “ ‘Noble Actors’ upon ‘the Theatre of Honour,’ ” 255. For the boundary, see Sugden, Blue Jacket, 205.

67. “Minutes of a treaty with the tribes of Indians called the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoes, Ottawas, Chipewas, Putawatimes, Miamis, Eel River, Kickapoos, Piankashaws, and Kaskaskias; begun at greene Ville on the 16th day of June, and ending on the 10th day of August 1795,” 16 June 1795, f. 262, Indian Talks and Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (“a little drink”); “Minutes of a treaty …,” 30 June 1795, f. 265, Indian Talks and Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (“We expect,” “You have told,” and “would like”).

68. “Minutes of a treaty …,” 30 June 1795, f. 266, Indian Talks and Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP.

69. “Minutes of a treaty …,” 30 June 1795, f. 266, Indian Talks and Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (“alone complains,” “to consult,” “really [did] not,” “are for the Comfort,” “shall most,” “with pleasure,” and “with your Chiefs”); “Minutes of a treaty …,” 23 July 1795, ff. 284–85, Indian Talks and Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (“my plate” and “to see”).

70. “Minutes of a treaty …,” 29 July 1795, f. 294, Indian Talks and Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (quote); White, The Middle Ground, 494 (for poison).

71. Snyder, “Native Nations in the Age of Revolutions,” 89 (for Nickajack and Running Water); Anthony Wayne to the “Cherokees, now settled on the Head Waters of Sciota,” 3 August 1795, f. 314, Indian Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP (for Wayne and the Cherokees); Anthony Wayne to Margaretta Atlee, Head Quarters, 12 September 1795, f. 112, vol. XLII, AWP (for Wayne’s Christmas dinner).

72. Benjamin Hawkins to [George Washington], Senate Chamber, 10 February 1792, folder 9, Hawkins Family Papers, Collection 00322, Series 1.1, SHC (quotes).

6. Learning from Food Laws in Nova Scotia

1. St. George Tucker, Journal of the Siege of Yorktown and Surrender of Cornwallis, 4 October 1781, 1781, PH 02 31, JDR; 1 October 1781, St. George Tucker, Journal of the Siege of Yorktown and Surrender of Cornwallis, 1781, PH 02 31, JDR (quote); John Ferling, Almost a Miracle: The American Victory in the War of Independence (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 508 (for provisions shortages), 538 (for smallpox).

2. For dogs and limbs, see Cassandra Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom: Runaway Slaves of the American Revolution and their Global Quest for Liberty (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006), 51, 53. For King, see Boston King, “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King, a Black Preacher. Written by Himself, during his Residence at Kingswood-School” (London, 1798), in Unchained Voices: An Anthology of Black Authors in the English-Speaking World of the Eighteenth Century, ed. Vincent Carretta (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 351–68, esp. 356. For an excellent exploration of the help King received in penning his narrative, see Ryan Hanley, Beyond Slavery and Abolition: Black British Writing, c. 1770–1830 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2019), chap. 5, esp. 142. For George, see David George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George, from Sierra Leone in Africa; given by himself in a Conversation with Brother Rippon of London, and Brother Pearce of Birmingham” (London, 1793–1797), in Unchained Voices, 333–50 (see 332n21 for Rippon as editor). For standard works on black colonists in Nova Scotia, see Robin W. Winks, The Blacks in Canada: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971); James W. St. G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone 1783–1870 (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1976); Ellen Gibson Wilson, The Loyal Blacks (New York: Capricorn Books, 1976); Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure (London: Macmillan Press, 1980); Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia 1783–1791 (Kingston, ON: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1986); Mary Louise Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown: Black Loyalists after the American Revolution (Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, 1999); W. Bryan Rommel-Ruiz, “Colonizing the Black Atlantic: The African Colonization Movements in Postwar Rhode Island and Nova Scotia,” Slavery and Abolition 27, no. 3 (December 2006): 349–65.

3. [Anonymous], [untitled], n.d., ff. 84, 86–87, CO 5/8, part I, TNA (quotes); Maya Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011), 88–91; Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 31–32; James Sidbury, Becoming African in America: Race and Nation in the Early Black Atlantic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 81; Henry Wiencek, An American God: George Washington, His Slaves, and the Creation of America (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2003), 256–58.

4. Maya Jasanoff, “The Other Side of the Revolution: Loyalists in the British Empire,” William and Mary Quarterly 65, no. 2 (April 2008): 205–32, esp. 208, 220–22; Elizabeth Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire: Political Differentiation in Massachusetts and Nova Scotia, ca. 1760–1830 (New York: Routledge, 2005), 35.

5. Alexandra L. Montgomery, “The River Belongs Exclusively to the Passamaquoddy Tribe: Borderlands, Borderseas, and the Creation of an International Boundary Line,” draft essay (for Mi’kmaqs); Michael Francklin to General Sir Henry Clinton, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 2 August 1779, vol. 21, no. 102, photostat 2158, box 9, BHQP (quote); Kathleen DuVal, Independence Lost: Lives on the Edge of the American Revolution (New York: Random House, 2015), 66–67 (for Acadians).

6. “Recapitulation of the number of Negroes who have availed themselves of the Late Commanders in Chiefs Proclamations by comming in within the British Lines in North America …,” photostat 10427, f. 257, box 43, BHQP; “Book of Negroes Registered & certified after having been Inspected by the Commissioners appointed by His Excellency Sr: Guy Carleton K.B. General & Commander in Chief, on Board Sundry Vessels in which they were Embarked Previous to the time of sailing from the Port of New York between the 23d April and 31st July 1783 both Days Included,” photostat 10427, f. 47, box 43, BHQP; King, “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King,” 367n21.

7. Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 33 (for the 165 people); “Recapitulation of the number of Negroes …,” photostat 10427, f. 257, box 43, BHQP (for the population breakdown); Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 69 (for their places of origin).

8. Joseph Pynchon to Gentlemen, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 23 January 1783, Minutes of the Proceedings of the Port Roseway Associates, 1782, ff. 61, 64, Shelburne historical records collection, reel H-984, MG 9 B9-14, LAC. This microfilm reel only sometimes contains page numbers. I have attempted to cite them when they were legible and seemed consistent with the overall numbering style. The numbering in the Court Records is very irregular.

9. For Liverpool, see Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire, 16–17; for “servants,” see Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 37–38; Walker, The Black Loyalists, 40; Jasanoff, “The Other Side of the Revolution,” 220n21. For shipboard provisions, see Minutes of the Proceedings of the Port Roseway Associates, 8 March 1783, f. 83, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC. For six months of provisions, see Report, 20 March 1783, f. 89, Minutes of the Proceedings of the Port Roseway Associates, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC. For “that each member,” see Minutes of the Proceedings of the Port Roseway Associates, 8 March 1783, f. 81, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC.

10. On Parr, see Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 71.

11. Captain Durfee’s Report, New York, 26 [?] March 1783, Minutes of the Proceedings of the Port Roseway Associates, f. 94, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC (quotes). For Durfee, see Mary Archibald, “Joseph Durfee: Shelburne Pioneer,” in Eleven Exiles: Accounts of Loyalists of the American Revolution, ed. Phyllis R. Blakeley and John N. Grant (Toronto: Dundurn Press Limited, 1982), 13. For the absence of provisions for black colonists upon arrival, see Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 35–36; MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil, 50.

12. Captain Durfee’s Report, New York, 26 March 1783, Minutes of the Proceedings of the Port Roseway Associates, f. 94, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC. Durfee reproduced Carleton’s quotes.

13. Historians disagree about Shelburne population numbers; some books estimate eighty-six hundred, others ten thousand, and others sixteen thousand. They agree that by 1784, Shelburne ranked as the fourth-largest English-speaking city within North America, and the biggest in British North America. Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 36–38; Walker, The Black Loyalists, 22, 28; MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil; John N. Grant, “… those in General called Loyalists,” Archibald, “Joseph Durfee: Shelburne Pioneer,” and Blakely, “Boston King: A Black Loyalist,” Eleven Exiles, 15, 108, 276; Laird Niven and Stephen A. Davis, “Birchtown: The History and Material Culture of an Expatriate African American Community,” in Moving On: Black Loyalists in the Afro-Atlantic World, ed. John W. Pulis (New York: Garland, 1999), 60.

14. George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George,” 336; Muster Book of Free Black Settlement at Birchtown, ff. 132–33 (Roberts), 136–37 (Laurence), 138–39 (Wilkinson), 144–45 (Cooper and Darling), 148–49 (Donaldson and Freeman), 150–51 (Williams), 156–57 (Jarrat), 164–65 (Davis), 168–69 (Fortune), 170–71 (Daniel), Shelburne historical records collection, LAC.

15. Muster Book of Free Black Settlement at Birchtown, ff. 120–21 (Brown), 128–29 (Post), 130–31 (Thomas), 132–33 (Kane), 136–37 (Virginia), 148–49 (Jones), 156–57 (Taylor), 158–59 (Glass), 162–63 (Rivers), 173–74 (George), Shelburne historical records collection, LAC.

16. For Quebec, see Jasanoff, “The Other Side of the Revolution,” 214. For potatoes, see Walker, The Black Loyalists, 43, 46. My analysis of this food system has been influenced by Robert Olwell, Masters, Slaves, and Subjects: The Culture of Power in the South Carolina Low Country, 1740–1790 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), esp. 178–79, 219; Dylan C. Penningroth, The Claims of Kinfolk: African American Property and Community in the Nineteenth-Century South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), chap. 2, esp. 46–49.

17. Daniel H. Usner Jr., Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley before 1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 197 (for Mississippi), 215 (for New Orleans); David Shields, Southern Provisions: The Creation and Revival of a Cuisine (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 178 (for Savannah).

18. John Wentworth to the Duke of Portland, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 24 May 1800, f. 203, CO 217/73, TNA (“Several markets,” “Butchers and Fishmongers,” “for want,” “shops and stands,” and “hawk[ed] their meat”); John Wentworth to the Duke of Portland, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 5 May 1799, f. 31, CO 217/70, TNA (“contributed”); Alexander Howe to W. D. Quarrell, Maroon Hall, 9 August 1797, f. 173, CO 217/68, TNA (“great profit”); Walker, The Black Loyalists, 43, 46 (for the price of potatoes). For the types of fish available in Shelburne, see Stephen Kimber, Loyalists and Layabouts: The Rapid Rise and Faster Fall of Shelburne, Nova Scotia: 1783–1792 (Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 2008), 163.

19. For Marston, see Blakely, “Boston King: A Black Loyalist,” Eleven Exiles, 273–74. For land issues in Nova Scotia, see Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 34–47; Walker, The Black Loyalists, 18; Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 35–9; MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil, 50; Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 148; Blakely, “Boston King: A Black Loyalist,” 276. For economies of time and land, see Penningroth, The Claims of Kinfolk, 47.

20. “A Sketch of Shelburnian Manners, Anno 1787,” f. 213, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC (quote). The authorship of this piece is uncertain but is usually ascribed to Scotsman James Fraser, district judge of New Brunswick in 1788. See A Few Acres of Snow: Documents in Pre-Confederation Canadian History, 3rd ed., ed. Thomas Thorner and Thor Frohn-Nielsen (North York, ON: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 81. For comparisons between provisions for white and black colonists, see Walker, The Black Loyalists, 44–45.

21. Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown, 48 (for government rations), 62 (for Digby); Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 37 (for distance); Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 87 (for distribution).

22. E. P. Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past and Present 50, no. 1 (February 1971): 76–136. John Bohstedt argues that Thompson’s model was one focused on how governments managed the economy, rather than on a whole economic system of production, extraction, trade, distribution, and services. Bohstedt’s newer model, the “politics of provisions,” is concerned with the “political practices and contexts that afforded crowds a rioter’s franchise.” I use “moral economy” here because this chapter is less concerned with food riots. John Bohstedt, The Politics of Provisions: Food Riots, Moral Economy, and Market Transition in England, c. 1550–1850 (Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2010), 8–9 (quote, 9).

23. J. Davis, “Baking for the Common Good: A Reassessment of the Assize of Bread in Medieval England,” Economic History Review 57 (2004): 465–502 (for the medieval period); Andy Wood, Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics in Early Modern England (Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 97 (for the Book of Orders); Cynthia A. Bouton, The Flour War: Gender, Class, and Community in Late Ancien Régime French Society (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993), 10 (for France); Bohstedt, The Politics of Provisions, 1, 261 (for riotous Englishmen); Kathy D. Matson and Peter S. Onuf, A Union of Interests: Political and Economic Thought in Revolutionary America (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1990), 4, 38 (for North America).

24. For the late eighteenth-century example of Newfoundland, for instance, see Peter E. Pope, Fish into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 429–30. On county courts, see Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire, 27, 139, 149. On Durfee’s role, see Archibald, “Joseph Durfee: Shelburne Pioneer,” Eleven Exiles, 109.

25. For court records, I have provided a date and volume number—several volumes appear on each microfilm reel. Court Records, 17 February 1785, 7 July 1785, vol. 6, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC.

26. Court Records, 12 May 1785, vol. 6, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC; Court Records, 18 March 1800, vol. 6, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC.

27. King, “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King,” 360; Court Records, 10 April 1786, vol. 6, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC.

28. For fish lots in Liverpool, see Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire, 49. For black Loyalists’ remembrances of land restrictions, see Cassandra Pybus, “Henry ‘Harry’ Washington (1750s–1790s): A Founding Father’s Slave,” in The Human Tradition in the Atlantic World, 1500–1850, ed. Karen Racine and Beatriz G. Mamigonian (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010), 110. David George was one of the few black Loyalists who was awarded land by the water, but he used it for baptisms. George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George,” 337.

29. Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 104; Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 83; Niven and Davis, “Birchtown: The History and Material Culture of an Expatriate African American Community,” 59–84, esp. 63–64, 72.

30. Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 39 (for the stop in provisioning); Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire, 17 (for Liverpool); “Memorial of Robert Ross, Samuel Campbell, and Alexander Robertson, to Governor Parr,” n.d., f. 307, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC (quote).

31. Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire, 17; “A petition from the Overseers of the poor to the magistrates of Shelburne for the relief of Negroes,” 3 February 1789, ff. 209–10, Shelburne historical records collection, LAC (quote).

32. Although Nova Scotia earned this nickname in the late 1780s, Americans were calling it by that name on the eve of Loyalist departure from the colonies. For this early nickname, see Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 71. For other uses of the term, see Walker, The Black Loyalists, 52; John N. Grant, “John Howe, Senior: Printer, Publisher, Postmaster, Spy,” Eleven Exiles, 25. For overseers of the poor, see Simon P. Newman, A New World of Labor: The Development of Plantation Slavery in the British Atlantic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 243.

33. For Senegambia, see Paul E. Lovejoy, “Forgotten Colony in Africa: The British Province of Senegambia (1765–83),” in Slavery, Abolition and the Transition to Colonialism in Sierra Leone, ed. Paul E. Lovejoy and Suzanne Schwarz (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2015), 109–25. For Bulama, see Deirdre Coleman, Romantic Colonization and British Anti-Slavery (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 88. For Granville Town, see Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 53. For the Black Poor, see George E. Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa: Commerce, Social Status, Gender, and Religious Observance from the Sixteenth to the Eighteen Century (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2003), 306.

34. Quotes are from John Clarkson’s notebook that he kept upon arrival in Halifax, which is mostly undated and unnumbered. “Remarks Halifax,” ff. 1 (for Coffee and Jones), 8 (other quotes), Add. MS 41262B, BL. See also John Clarkson to William Dawes, Freetown, 5 October 1792, “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson, R.N. (governor, 1792)” (Freetown, Sierra Leone), Sierra Leone Studies, no. VIII (March 1927): 34.

35. George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George,” 337 (for Parr), 338 (quote).

36. King, “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King,” 360.

37. King, “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King,” 360.

38. George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George,” 339.

39. King, “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King,” 363.

40. [Memorial of Thomas Peters], enclosed in [Unknown] to Governor Parr, Whitehall, 6 August 1791, f. 80, CO 217/72, TNA (quote). See also Petition of Thomas Peters, 1791, enclosed in John Clarkson to William Wilberforce, [c. after August 18, 1815], f. 156, Add. MS 41263, BL. On Peters, see Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 178; Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 63; Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 54, 93–94, 97; Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 282; Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 23; Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown, 61; Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 32. On similar patron-client relationships during the Revolution itself, see Alexander X. Byrd, Captives and Voyagers: Black Migrants across the Eighteenth-Century British Atlantic World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008), 177–78.

41. [Various inhabitants of Birch Town, Shelburne] to John Parr, n.p., 1 November 1791, f. 86, CO 217/72, TNA (quote). On Blucke, see Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 66, 85, 87. For other leaders, see Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 35–40, 60, 78. For religion, see Mancke, The Fault Lines of Empire, 61. For free rations, see Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 34; Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 66.

42. Contrary to the company’s plans for Sierra Leone (which Clarkson probably did not know about), Clarkson promised the colonists that they would owe no quitrents on their lands in Sierra Leone. This promise made migration much more enticing. A quitrent was a single monetary payment collected annually. It traditionally allowed English peasants to avoid paying their landlords in labor or produce. Usually it was low, but in the American colonies colonial administrators struggled to successfully collect it. In Nova Scotia no quitrents had been collected since 1772. The black Loyalists would avoid paying it in Nova Scotia, and in Sierra Leone, the Sierra Leone Company would refuse to honor Clarkson’s promise. Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 73–74.

43. Sometimes Edmonds is written as “Edmons” in the archives. Thomas Peters and David Edmons, “In behalf of the Black People of at Halifax bound to Sierra Leone,” Halifax, 23 December 1791, f. 24, Add. MS 41262A, BL.

44. James Vernon, Hunger: A Modern History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 12.

45. P. J. Marshall, The Making and Unmaking of Empires: Britain, India, and America c. 1750–1783 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2005), 148.

46. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 5 July 1791, f. 86, reel 60, TPP.

47. For race, see Nancy Shoemaker, “How Indians Got to be Red,” American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (1997): 625–44; Jane T. Merritt, At the Crossroads: Indians and Empires on a Mid-Atlantic Frontier, 1700–1763 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 254; Nancy Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness: Becoming Red and White in Eighteenth-Century North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 130.

7. Victual Imperialism and U.S. Indian Policy

1. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 5 July 1791, ff. 84a, 85 (quote), reel 60, TPP. On Pickering, see George H. Clarfield, Timothy Pickering and the American Republic (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1980), esp. chap. 9. Various scholars have discussed the Plan of Civilization. James Merrell dates the plan’s inception to 1790, and Theda Purdue to the 1791 Treaty of Holston with the Cherokees. Daniel Richter has discussed some of the plan’s implications among Indians and Quakers in 1795, and Claudio Saunt has focused on the period from 1797 to 1811. Paul Gilje interprets the emphasis on civilization as a shift in U.S. Indian affairs from commerce to conquest. James H. Merrell, “Second Thoughts on Colonial Historians and American Indians,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 3 (July 2012): 451–512, esp. 471; Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change, 1700–1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 110–11; Daniel K. Richter, “ ‘Believing That Many of the Red People Suffer Much for the Want of Food’: Hunting, Agriculture, and a Quaker Construction of Indianness in the Early Republic,” Journal of the Early Republic 19, no. 4 (Winter 1999): 601–28; Claudio Saunt, A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 139–232; Paul A. Gilje, “Commerce and Conquest in Early American Foreign Relations, 1750–1850,” Journal of the Early Republic 37, no. 4 (Winter 2017): 735–70, esp. 737. See also Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745–1815 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 114; Lori J. Daggar, “The Mission Complex: Economic Development, ‘Civilization,’ and Empire in the Early Republic,” Journal of the Early Republic 36, no. 3 (Fall 2016): 467–91.

2. Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 116.

3. For these contradictions about farming, see Richter, “ ‘Believing That Many of the Red People Suffer Much for the Want of Food,’ ” 602–3, 611; Robbie Ethridge, Creek Country: The Creek Indians and Their World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 15; Stuart Banner, How the Indians Lost Their Land: Law and Power on the Frontier (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005), 151–60; Merrell, “Second Thoughts,” 469–73; Karim Tiro, “ ‘We Wish to Do You Good’: The Quaker Mission to the Oneida Nation, 1790–1840,” Journal of the Early Republic 26, no. 3 (Fall 2006): 353–76, esp. 356. My use of collaboration recognizes that it is an enormously complicated idea. In some works, such as Robert Michael Morrissey’s, collaboration is an intentional way of claiming power, and the cessation of collaboration is fairly lamentable. In other scholarship, collaboration is considered a dirty word. Given the history of warfare against Native Americans throughout the 1790s and the decreasing ability to bargain with imperial powers besides the United States, however, I am not convinced that Indians had other choices. This chapter employs the term to illustrate that it was an imperfect choice that many Indians were forced to make. For work on collaboration in Native American history, see Robert Michael Morrissey, Empire by Collaboration: Indians, Colonists, and Governments in Colonial Illinois County (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), 10, 232. For comparative work on collaboration, see John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, “The Imperialism of Free Trade,” Economic History Review 6, no. 1 (1953): 1–15, esp. 10; Ronald Robinson, John Gallagher, and Alice Denny, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan and Company, 1961), 468; Paul Kramer, The Blood of Government: Race, Empire, the United States, and the Philippines (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), esp. 29. For a critique of collaboration as a form of analysis, see Jürgen Osterhammel, Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview, trans. Shelley L. Frisch (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1997), 64.

4. The work on victual imperialism in this chapter has been informed by work on settler colonialism and food sovereignty. For food sovereignty, see Jennifer Cockrall-King, Food and the City: Urban Agriculture and the New Food Revolution (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2012), 319; Charlotte Coté, Spirits of Our Whaling Ancestors: Revitalizing Makah and Nuu-chah-nulth Traditions (Seattle: University of Washington Press, Capell Family Book Series, 2010), 204; John C. Super, Food, Conquest, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988); Kristin L. Hoganson, Consumers’ Imperium: The Global Production of American Domesticity, 1865–1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Enrique C. Ochoa, Feeding Mexico: The Political Uses of Food since 1910 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2000). For settler colonialism, see the introduction to this book.

5. In 1753 Benjamin Franklin was one of the first to connect civilization to hunger, and he worried that the reduction of Native lands by treaties had begun to affect Indians’ abilities to hunt game and feed themselves—but he also conveyed Indians’ critiques of non-Native education programs, which produced educated Indians incapable of proper hunting techniques. Henry Knox wrote at the same time as Samuel Kirkland and Timothy Pickering (discussed below) in 1789, but he did not theorize hunger prevention extensively in his letters. For earlier commentaries on civilization and civilization initiatives, see “From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson,” 9 May 1753, Founders Online, accessed June 21, 2018, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-04-02–0173; “Address from the Delaware Nation,” [Princeton, N.J.], 10 May 1779, Founders Online, accessed June 21, 2018, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-20-02–0361; V: Lady Huntingdon’s Plan for Settlement, 8 April 1784, Founders Online, accessed June 21, 2018, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-02-02-0161–0006; “From Henry Knox to George Washington,” War Office, 7 July [1789], Founders Online, accessed June 21, 2018, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-03-02–0067. On antecedents to such civilization programs, see, for example, Nicholas P. Canny, “The Ideology of English Colonization: From Ireland to America,” William and Mary Quarterly 30, no. 4 (October 1973): 575–98, esp. 586–92. On Kirkland, see Alan Taylor, The Divided Ground: Indians, Settlers, and the Northern Borderland of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage, 2006), 3.

6. The Journals of Samuel Kirkland: 18th-Century Missionary to the Iroquois, Government Agent, Father of Hamilton College, ed. Walter Pilkington (Clinton, NY: Hamilton College, 1980), 161 (“on account”), 164 (for dispersal), 167 (other quotes).

7. The Journals of Samuel Kirkland, 157 (“To make provision” and “The other kind”), 181 (“your wandering” and civility).

8. [Undated entry], ff. 39–41, Journal of Samuel Kirkland, “Missionary from the Society in Scotland & Corporation of Harvard College to the Oneidas & other tribes of the Six United nations of Indians from February 16 to May 30 1791,” Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians and Others in North America Records, 1752–1948, Ms. N-176, MHS (quotes); The Journals of Samuel Kirkland, 189 (for women’s education).

9. The Journals of Samuel Kirkland, 125 (for 1785), 158 (for 1789).

10. Taylor, The Divided Ground, 209, 212–13, 368 (for individual land speculators, Massachusetts, and New York), 242, 248 (for passing messages); The Journals of Samuel Kirkland, 193 (for the fire).

11. Timothy Pickering to [George Washington], n.p., 7 January 1791, f. 164, reel 61, TPP (“the means”); Timothy Pickering to Samuel Kirkland, Philadelphia, 4 December 1791, f. 304, reel 61, TPP (for their correspondence); “Cornplanter, half Town, and the Great Tree’s speech to the President of the United States,” Philadelphia, 10 January 1791, enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, f. 25a, reel 60, TPP (for women); Timothy Pickering to [George Washington], n.p., 7 January 1791, f. 164, reel 61, TPP (“Indian youths,” “to their own,” and “mere Savages”).

12. Timothy Pickering to [George Washington], n.p., 7 January 1791, ff. 164a–65, reel 61, TPP (quotes); “Estimate of the Expence in making Three Establishments for the purpose of introducing among the Six Nations the art of Civil Life,” n.d., 135, reel 60, TPP (for the budget).

13. For maize, plows, soil, tobacco, and wheat, see Chris Evans, “The Plantation Hoe: The Rise and Fall of an Atlantic Commodity, 1650–1850,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 1 (January 2012): 71–100, esp. 93–94; Ethridge, Creek Country, 144; Virginia DeJohn Anderson, “Animals into the Wilderness: The Development of Livestock Husbandry in the Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake,” William and Mary Quarterly 59, no. 2 (April 2002): 377–408, esp. 408; Stephen Nissenbaum, Sex, Diet, and Debility in Jacksonian America: Sylvester Graham and Health Reform (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980), 5–7; Stephen Mennell, All Manners of Food: Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 342; Adam D. Shprintzen, The Vegetarian Crusade: The Rise of an American Reform Movement, 1817–1921 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013), 24. For landowning, see Steven Sarson, “Yeoman Farmers in a Planters’ Republic: Socioeconomic Conditions and Relations in Early National Prince George’s County, Maryland,” Journal of the Early Republic 29, no. 1 (Spring 2009): 63–99, esp. 65, 69, 99. For Franklin, see Mark McWilliams, “Distant Tables: Food and the Novel in Early America,” Early American Literature 38, no. 3 (2003): 365–93, esp. 372. For Rush, see Benjamin Rush to James Craik, n.p., 26 July 1798, in Letters of Benjamin Rush, ed. L. H. Butterfield, vol. II (Princeton, NJ: Published for the American Philosophical Society by Princeton University Press, 1951), 801; Sari Altschuler, The Medical Imagination: Literature and Health in the Early United States (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), 27–35. For Barlow, see Joel Barlow, “The Hasty Pudding: A Poem, in Three Cantos,” in The Works of Joel Barlow, ed. Harry Warfel, vol. II (Gainesville, FL: Scholars’ Facsimiles and Reprints, 1970), 87–101; William Earl Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire, 1754–1865, vol. I, The New Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Warren I. Cohen (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 35.

14. Jane Mt. Pleasant, “The Paradox of Plows and Productivity: An Agronomic Comparison of Cereal Grain Production under Iroquois Hoe Culture and European Plow Culture in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Agricultural History 85, no. 4 (Fall 2011): 460–92, esp. 462; Erin Pawley, “The Point of Perfection: Cattle Portraiture, Bloodlines, and the Meaning of Breeding, 1760–1860,” Journal of the Early Republic 36, no. 1 (Spring 2016): 37–72, esp. 50–51.

15. [Journal of Timothy Pickering], 5 July 1791, f. 84, reel 60, TPP (quotes); Clarfield, Timothy Pickering and the American Republic, 122 (for Knox and Washington).

16. For “submit wholly,” see The Journals of Samuel Kirkland, 182. For “teach us,” see “Cornplanter, half Town, and the Great Tree’s speech to the President of the United States,” Philadelphia, 10 January 1791; for “nine Seneka boys,” see “Cornplanter, Half Town, and the Big tree to the Great Councilor of the Thirteen Fires,” 7 February 1791—both are enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, ff. 25, 29, reel 60, TPP. For “one or two,” see [Henry Knox’s] reply to Cornplanter’s speech, 8 February 1791, enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, ff. 30–31, reel 60, TPP. For “clothing, domestic animals,” see “In Senate,” 26 March 1792, f. 13, reel 62, TPP. For the annuity, see Timothy Pickering to James McHenry, Philadelphia, 10 March 1796, f. 68, reel 2, James McHenry Papers, 1775–1862, MSS32177, microfilm 19,006, LOC.

17. Kathryn E. Holland Braund, “The Creek Indians, Blacks, and Slavery,” Journal of Southern History 57, no. 4 (November 1991): 601–36, esp. 623, 627 (for Creeks and the plan); Saunt, A New Order of Things, 80 (for previous treaties); “Treaty of New York,” 7 August 1790, 224–32, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, Part 1, GDAH (“furnish gratuitously”); Timothy Pickering to [George Washington], n.p., 7 January 1791, f. 164, reel 61, TPP (“from hunters”).

18. Saunt, A New Order of Things, chaps. 3–5 (for the rise of this “new order”); Ethridge, Creek Country, 161 (for pricing).

19. “Treaty of New York,” 7 August 1790, 227, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, Part 1, GDAH (quote); Saunt, A New Order of Things, 46 (for the 1750s).

20. The Bloody Fellow, King Fisher, the Northward, the Disturber, the Prince, and George Miller are the men listed in the records.

21. [Henry Knox] to William Blount, n.p., 31 January 1792, ff. 2–3, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, DLAR (for Cherokees in 1792); Joseph Blackwell to George Mathews, Woffort Fort, 7 June 1794, 15, Cherokee Indian Letters, Talks and Treaties, 1786–1838, Transcripts, GDAH (for Cherokees in 1794); Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 96 (for Dragging Canoe’s death); Perdue, Cherokee Women, 111 (for the 1796 talk).

22. “Cornplanter’s speech to the President of the United States,” 1 December 1790, enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, ff. 8 (“town-destroyer”), 15 (“The game,” “intended,” and “mean to”), reel 60, TPP. On Cornplanter, see Thomas Abler, Cornplanter: Chief Warrior of the Allegany Seneca (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2007), 1–2.

23. “President’s reply to the Speech of the Cornplanter, Half Town and Great Tree, Chiefs and Counselors of the Seneca Nation of Indians,” 29 December 1790, enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, ff. 19–19a, reel 60, TPP.

24. “Cornplanter, half Town, and the Great Tree’s speech to the President of the United States,” Philadelphia, 10 January 1791, enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, f. 23, reel 60, TPP (for Stanwix and Washington’s refusal); Samuel Kirkland to Timothy Pickering, Oneida, 31 May 1792, ff. 45–46, reel 62, TPP (“cool reception” and “cared nothing”); Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, ff. 4–4a, reel 60, TPP (“attachment and fidelity”); Henry Knox to Anthony Wayne, War Department, 3 August 1792, Box 5, Anthony Wayne Papers, CL (for 1792). For background on the second Stanwix Treaty, see Colin G. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America (New York: Viking, 2007), 78. For Brant and Red Jacket, see Taylor, The Divided Ground, 247.

25. Hendrick Aupaumut, [Captain Hendrick’s Narrative of his journey to the Niagara & Grand River, in February 1792], f. 19, reel 59, TPP (for Brant’s comments); Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 441 (for Brant and the Western Confederacy); Anthony Wayne to William Irvine, Pittsburgh, 20 July 1792, f. 88, vol. XX, AWP.

26. [George Washington], “talk sent to the headmen and warriors of the tribes of Indians of the Miami Towns and its neighborhood, and inhabiting the waters of the Miami River, of Lake Erie, and to the tribes inhabiting the waters of the River Wabash,” 11 March 1791, enclosed in Henry Knox to Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia, 2 May 1791, f. 41, reel 60, TPP; Henry Knox to Alexander Freeman, War Department, 3 April 1792, f. 209, Indian Treaties, 1778–1795, AWP.

27. Hendrick Aupaumut, [Captain Hendrick’s narrative of his journey in July, August, September, and October 1791], f. 8a, reel 59, TPP.

28. John C. Kotruch, “The Battle of Fallen Timbers: An Assertion of U.S. Sovereignty in the Atlantic World along the Banks of the Maumee River,” in Between Sovereignty and Anarchy: The Politics of Violence in the American Revolutionary Era, ed. Patrick Griffin, Robert G. Ingram, Peter S. Onuf, and Brian Schoen (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2015), 275; Andrew R. L. Cayton, “ ‘Noble Actors’ upon ‘the Theatre of Honour’: Power and Civility in the Treaty of Greenville,” in Contact Points: American Frontiers from the Mohawk Valley to the Mississippi, 1750–1830, ed. Andrew R. L. Cayton and Fredrika J. Teute (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 238; Patrick Griffin, American Leviathan: Empire, Nation, and Revolutionary Frontier (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007), 250; Christina Snyder, “Native Nations in the Age of Revolutions,” in The World of the Revolutionary American Republic, ed. Andrew Shankman (New York: Routledge, 2014), 89.

29. “Questions relative to the proposed Indian Treaty and Hendrick’s Answers,” 24 February 1793, f. 55, reel 59, TPP (quote); Ian Mosby, “Administering Colonial Science: Nutrition Research and Human Biomedical Experimentation in Aboriginal Communities and Residential Schools, 1942–1952,” Histoire sociale/Social History 46, no. 91 (May 2013), 170 (for anemia).

30. Saunt, A New Order of Things, 67–89 (for McGillivray), 196 (for the Treaty of New York); [James Seagrove to Alexander McGillivray], St. Mary’s, 8 October 1792, f. 227, reel 1, Correspondence of the War Department Relating to Indian Affairs, Military Pensions, and Fortifications, 1791–1799, DLAR (quote). On Cornplanter’s fall from favor, see Henry Knox to Anthony Wayne, War Department, 9 March 1793, f. 74, vol. XXV, AWP; “To George Washington from Timothy Pickering,” 14 November 1795, Founders Online, accessed June 21, 2018, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-19-02–0106.

31. On the publication of this work, see “Hawkins, Benjamin,” American National Biography Online, accessed July 18, 2017, http://anb.org. For Hawkins and gender, see Claudio Saunt, “ ‘Domestick … Quiet being broke’: Gender Conflict among Creek Indians in the Eighteenth Century,” Contact Points, 151–74, esp. 166. For his relationship with the Creeks, see Ethridge, Creek Country, 5.

32. Benjamin Hawkins, A Sketch of the Creek Country in the Years 1798 and 1799, in The Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796–1810, ed. Thomas Foster (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2003), 56s.

33. Ethridge, Creek Country, 143.

34. Hawkins, A Sketch of the Creek Country, 56s.

35. Hawkins, A Sketch of the Creek Country, 60s (for quotes about Creeks); Benjamin Hawkins, A Viatory or Journal of Distances and Observations, in The Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796–1810, 3j (for quotes about Cherokees). See also Perdue, Cherokee Women, 127.

36. Benjamin Hawkins to James McHenry, Coweta, 6 January 1797, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, in The Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796–1810, 57.

37. Hawkins, A Sketch of the Creek Country, 30s (for Toolk-au-bat-che Haujo), 36s (“Coo-sau-dee”).

38. Hawkins, A Sketch of the Creek Country, 59s (quotes); Benjamin Hawkins to Edward Price, Fort Wilkinson, 6 January 1798, folder 10, 1795–1799, Hawkins Family Papers, Collection 00322, SHC (for corn and salt); Ethridge, Creek Country, 182 (for cabbages).

39. Hawkins, A Sketch of the Creek Country, 61s. A gross hundredweight of pork was priced at three dollars, and at net for four dollars. A hundredweight of net bacon was ten dollars; beef, three dollars. Corn was priced at a half dollar per bushel. See also Saunt, “ ‘Domestick … Quiet being broke,’ ” 164.

40. Ethridge, Creek Country, 163 (for white traders); Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796–1806 (Savannah: Published by the Georgia Historical Society, 1916), 38 (“accustomed to,” “the same,” and “making no”). I have consulted several versions of the Hawkins letters. This citation is the only one that draws on the volume published by the Georgia Historical Society; all other citations in this chapter are to the volume edited by Foster. For the Creeks in 1799, see Hawkins, A Sketch of the Creek Country, 61s. For Baltimore, Boston, Charleston, New York, and Philadelphia in 1795 and 1800, see History of Wages in the United States from Colonial Times to 1928, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Bulletin no. 604. Revision of Bulletin No. 499, with Supplement, 1929–1933 (Washington: United States Printing Office, 1934), 21. I have only made comparisons of foodstuffs when weight or bulk measurements were the same.

41. E. P. Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past and Present 50, no. 1 (February 1971): 76–136; Braund, “The Creek Indians, Blacks, and Slavery,” 608–9.

42. “Questions relative to the proposed Indian Treaty and Hendrick’s Answers,” 24 February 1793, f. 54, reel 59, TPP; [Unlabeled journal], 24 April 1797, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 159.

43. Extract from a talk delivered by the Little Turtle to the President of the United States, 4 January 1802, in American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, ed. Walter Lowrie and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, vol. 1 (Washington, DC: Gales and Seaton, 1832), 655; Benjamin Hawkins to James McHenry, Coweta, 6 January 1797, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 57 (for flax and cotton); Benjamin Hawkins to Henry Dearborn, Chickasaw Bluffs, 28 October 1801, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 393–94 (for Creeks in 1801).

44. Benjamin Hawkins to Edward Price, Flint River, 10 February 1797, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 77.

45. Timothy Pickering to James McHenry, Philadelphia, 10 March 1796, ff. 68–69, reel 2, James McHenry Papers, LOC (quotes). For changes at Niagara, see Taylor, The Divided Ground, 297, and for a source confirming that Indians were receiving considerably less than soldiers, see David Thompson, A Statement of Commissary at Fort Niagara, 1 October 1798, box 3, James McHenry Papers, CL.

46. Extract from James McHenry to Major General Hamilton, 21 May 1799, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 1, 645–46 (“great and unnecessary”); “Communicated to the House of Representatives,” 5 May 1800, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 1, 644 (“the usual supply” and “know how much”).

47. [Unlabeled journal], 15 July [1805], Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 442 (quotes). On Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa, see Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 33, 39. For the Red Sticks, see Saunt, A New Order of Things, 249–72. For this period, see Angela Pulley Hudson, Creek Paths and Federal Roads: Indians, Settlers, and Slaves and the Making of the American South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 87; Ethridge, Creek Country, 155.

48. Weeks, Dimensions of the Early American Empire, 1754–1865, 95 (for Creeks starving); M. Hardin to David B. Mitchell, Travelars Hotel, 20 August 1812, 760, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 2, GDAH (quotes); Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America, 131 (for Tenskwatawa).

49. Benjamin Hawkins to General Armstrong, Creek Agency, 7 June 1814, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 1, 858. See also M. Hardin to David B. Mitchell, Travelars Hotel, 20 August 1812, 760, Creek Indian Letters Talks and Treaties, 1705–1839, Part 2, GDAH.

50. For 5,257, see Benjamin Hawkins to Major General Armstrong, Fort Hawkins, 13 July 1814, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 1, 860. For “plenty of food,” see “Journal of the proceedings of the commissioners appointed to treat with the Northwest Indians at Detroit,” Spring Wells, 25 August 1815, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 2, 18 (quote), 19. For withheld annuity payments, see Benjamin Hawkins to James Monroe, Creek Agency, 5 October 1814, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 1, 861. For Indian payments for provisions, see D. B. Mitchell to J. C. Calhoun [Secretary of War], Creek Agency, 28 January 1818, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 2, 153.

51. B[enjamin] F. Stickney to William H. Crawford [Secretary of War], Indian Agency Office, Fort Wayne, 1 October 1815, American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 2, 86 (quotes). For more on Stickney, see “Statement showing the number of Superintendents, Agents, Sub-Agents, Interpreters, and Blacksmiths, employed in the Indian Department, with their names, by whom appointed, and their respective compensations,” American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs, vol. 2, 365; “To James Madison from William Bentley,” 11 December 1809, Founders Online, accessed July 11, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/?q=Benjamin%20F.%20Stickney&s=1111311111&sa&r=1&sr.

52. Richard Thomas, “Translations of Creek expressions used in the foregoing” [translated by Timothy Barnard, Cusseta, 24 November 1797], Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 250 (for Blount); Ethridge, Creek Country, 13 (for federal landgrabs).

53. Christopher Densmore, Red Jacket: Iroquois Diplomat and Orator (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1999), 137–38.

54. For additional context on this speech, see Granville Ganter, “Red Jacket and the Decolonization of Republican Virtue,” American Indian Quarterly 31, no. 4 (Fall 2007): 559–81, esp. 560.

55. Densmore echoes the assertion that the poison in Red Jacket’s speech referred to alcohol. Densmore, Red Jacket, xiii.

8. Black Loyalist Hunger Prevention in Sierra Leone

1. For background on Anderson and Perkins, see Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (London: Oxford University Press, 1962); Robin W. Winks, The Blacks in Canada: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971), 51; Cassandra Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom: Runaway Slaves of the American Revolution and their Global Quest for Liberty (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006), 23, 209, 215. For their London journey, see Ellen Gibson Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure (London: Macmillan Press, 1980), 134.

2. “Cato Pirkins and Isaac Anderson to the Hble the Chairmain & Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company London” [sent to John Clarkson 30 October 1793], 13 October 1793, ff. 98–99, Add. MS 41263, BL; Isaac Anderson and Cato Perkins to John Clarkson, London, 9 November 1793, f. 105, Add. MS 41263, BL. Many of the manuscript letters that follow can be found in “Our Children Free and Happy”: Letters from Black Settlers in Africa in the 1790s, ed. Christopher Fyfe (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991). Clarkson, who retained a copy of the petition, seems to have punctuated their complaints with underlining in much the same way that he underlined his own correspondence. I believe that the underlining in the letters is Clarkson’s because the printed copies in Christopher Fyfe’s edited volume make no indication of underlining. In keeping with common practices, I have silently edited all underlining into italics.

3. Standard works on black colonists in Sierra Leone focus on land problems, Freetown’s place within the context of other colonization movements, and works on diaspora, migration, and the Revolutionary Atlantic. For the first, see Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone; Winks, The Blacks in Canada; James W. St. G. Walker, The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone 1783–1870 (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1976); Ellen Gibson Wilson, The Loyal Blacks (New York: Capricorn Books, 1976); Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure; Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience in Nova Scotia 1783–1791 (Kingston, ON: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1986); Mary Louise Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown: Black Loyalists after the American Revolution (Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, 1999). For the second, see Deirdre Coleman, Romantic Colonization and British Anti-Slavery (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005); W. Bryan Rommel-Ruiz, “Colonizing the Black Atlantic: The African Colonization Movements in Postwar Rhode Island and Nova Scotia,” Slavery and Abolition 27, no. 3 (December 2006): 349–65; Emma Christopher, “A ‘Disgrace to the very Colour’: Perceptions of Blackness and Whiteness in the Founding of Sierra Leone and Botany Bay,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (Winter 2008), accessed January 28, 2016, http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/journal_of_colonialism_and_colonial_history/v009/9.3.christopher.html; Bronwen Everill, Abolition and Empire in Sierra Leone and Liberia (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). For the third, see Moving On: Black Loyalists in the Afro-Atlantic World, ed. John W. Pulis (New York: Garland, 1999); Barry Cahill, “The Black Loyalist Myth in Atlantic Canada,” Acadiensis XXIX, no. 1 (Autumn 1999), accessed December 31, 2015, http://journals.hil.unb.ca/index.php/acadiensis/article/view/10801/11587; Maya Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011); Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom; James Sidbury, Becoming African in America: Race and Nation in the Early Black Atlantic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); Alexander X. Byrd, Captives and Voyagers: Black Migrants across the Eighteenth-Century British Atlantic World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008); Isaac Land and Andrew M. Schocket, ed., “Special Issue: New Approaches to the Founding of the Sierra Leone Colony, 1786–1808,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (Winter 2008), accessed January 28, 2016, http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/journal_of_colonialism_and_colonial_history/toc/cch.9.3.html; Slavery, Abolition and the Transition to Colonialism in Sierra Leone, ed. Paul E. Lovejoy and Suzanne Schwarz (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2015); Janet Polasky, Revolutions without Borders: The Call to Liberty in the Atlantic World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015). Little work exists on food in the early years of the colony, and what does emphasizes the Sierra Leone Company’s interest in cash crops for legitimate commerce, or white colonists’ interactions with the Temne. For cash crops, see Coleman, Romantic Colonization, 132; Suzanne Schwarz, “From Company Administration to Crown Control: Experimentation and Adaptation in Sierra Leone in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries,” Slavery, Abolition and the Transition to Colonialism in Sierra Leone, 173–74; Everill, Abolition and Empire in Sierra Leone and Liberia, 19. For white colonists’ interactions with the Temne, see Rachel B. Herrmann, “ ‘If the King had really been a father to us’: Failed Food Diplomacy in Eighteenth-Century Sierra Leone,” in The Routledge History of Food, ed. Carol Helstosky (New York: Routledge, 2014), 92–112. For food in Freetown between 1792 and 1803, see Philip R. Misevich, “On the Frontier of ‘Freedom’: Abolition and the Transformation of Atlantic Commerce in Southern Sierra Leone, 1790s to 1860s” (PhD thesis, Emory University, 2009); Misevich, “The Sierra Leone Hinterland and the Provisioning of Early Freetown, 1792–1803,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (Winter 2008), accessed January 28, 2016, https://muse.jhu.edu/article/255266; Rachel B. Herrmann, “Rebellion or Riot?: Black Loyalist Food Laws in Sierra Leone,” Slavery and Abolition 37, no. 4 (2016): 680–703.

4. On terminology, see Barry Cahill, “The Black Loyalist Myth in Atlantic Canada,” Acadiensis XXIX, no. 1 (Autumn 1999): para. 3, accessed December 31, 2015, http://journals.hil.unb.ca/index.php/acadiensis/article/view/10801/11587.

5. George E. Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa: Commerce, Social Status, Gender, and Religious Observance from the Sixteenth to the Eighteen Century (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2003), 306; Mary Beth Norton, “The Fate of Some Black Loyalists of the American Revolution,” The Journal of Negro History 58, no. 4 (October 1973): 402–46, esp. 407; Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 53; Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 87, 103.

6. For “the flagrant abuses,” see Olaudah Equiano, “The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African. Written By Himself” (London, 1794 [1789]), in Unchained Voices: An Anthology of Black Authors in the English-Speaking World of the Eighteenth Century, ed. Vincent Carretta (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 283–84 (quote); Norton, “The Fate of Some Black Loyalists of the American Revolution,” 415; Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 149. For more on Equiano, see Vincent Carretta, Equiano, the African: Biography of a Self-Made Man (New York: Penguin Books, 2005). For the voyage, see Byrd, Captives and Voyagers, 1. For King Tom, see Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 304. Background on King Tom is contradictory. C. Magbaily Fyle states that King Tom was the subruler around the Rokel River estuary and observes that his son, Henry, studied in England. George Brooks and Christopher Fyfe say that this King Tom, known as Panabouré Forbana, died in 1788, and Cassandra Pybus suggests that it was King Naimbana’s son Henry who studied in England. Fyle identifies King Tom as Pa Kokelly and says that by decision of the Bai Farma, the area’s head ruler, Kokelly replaced King Jimmy in the mid-1790s. C. Magbaily Fyle, Historical Dictionary of Sierra Leone (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2006), 210–11; Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa, 299; Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 22; Cassandra Pybus, “ ‘A Less Favourable Specimen’: The Abolitionist Response to Self-Emancipated Slaves in Sierra Leone, 1793–1808,” Parliamentary History 26, Issue Supplement S1 (June 2007): 97–112, esp. 99n12.

7. For disease, see Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 34–47; Walker, The Black Loyalists, 20. For King Jimmy, see Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 25; Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 53; Anna Maria Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone during the Years 1791–1792–1793, ed. Christopher Fyfe (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), 4.

8. Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 98 (for the renaming); Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages, 16 (“to rise gradually”); David George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George, from Sierra Leone in Africa; given by himself in a Conversation with Brother Rippon of London, and Brother Pearce of Birmingham” (London, 1793–1797), in Unchained Voices: An Anthology of Black Authors in the English-Speaking World of the Eighteenth Century, ed. Vincent Carretta (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 340; “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King, a Black Preacher. Written by Himself, during his Residence at Kingswood-School” (London, 1798), Unchained Voices, 364.

9. Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown, 114 (for seasonal rains), 115 (for the burned house); Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 20 (for animals); Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 95 (“one of the wettest”); Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 18 August 1796, mssMY 418 (13), Macaulay Papers, HL (“an army”).

10. Ismail Rashid, “Escape, Revolt, and Marronage in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Sierra Leone Hinterland,” Canadian Journal of African Studies/Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 34, no. 3 (2000): 656–83, esp. 662 (for the population), 663 (for the jihad). For Fouta Djallon, see Bruce L. Mouser, “Landlords-Strangers: A Process of Accommodation and Assimilation,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 8, no. 3 (1975): 425–40, esp. 428; Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa, xxiii, 200–1, 293; C. Magbaily Fyle, The History of Sierra Leone: A Concise Introduction (London: Evans, 1981), 27. For the Mande and Fula, see Brooks, Eurafricans in Western Africa, 249, 295; Fyle, The History of Sierra Leone, 31.

11. Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 1–10, 16–19, 31, 47, 54; Kenneth C. Wylie, The Political Kingdoms of the Temne: Temne Government in Sierra Leone, 1825–1910 (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1977), xiii, xv, 3.

12. For British weakness in Africa generally, see Trevor Burnard, “The British Atlantic,” in Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal, ed. Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 122; Philip D. Morgan, “Africa and the Atlantic, c. 1450 to c. 1820,” Atlantic History, 225. For the tea incident, see Rachel Herrmann, “Death by Chamomile?: The Alimentary End of Henry Granville Naimbana,” The Appendix: A New Journal of Narrative and Experimental History 1, no. 1 (December 2012), accessed July 20, 2017, http://theappendix.net/issues/2012/12/death-by-chamomile-the-alimentary-end-of-henry-granville-naimbana. For Alexander Falconbridge’s alcoholism, see Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages, 1, 4, 74 (“never were worse”), 95.

13. For Clarkson’s role, see Winks, The Blacks in Canada, 74–75; Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 106, 113; Rev. E. G. Ingham, Sierra Leone after a Hundred Years (London: Frank Cass and Co., [1894] 1968), 74 (“dying”), 76; Walker, The Black Loyalists, 146 (for half rations). For other councilmen, see Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 85–86; Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 191–92.

14. Misevich, “The Sierra Leone Hinterland and the Provisioning of Early Freetown, 1792–1803”; Misevich, “On the Frontier of ‘Freedom,’ ” 109, 115 (for ships); Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages, 76 (for the shore); [Isaac DuBois], “Journal from my Departure from the Colony [31 December 1792] to 16 February 1793,” 12 January 1793, f. 5, Add. MS 41263, BL (for casks); Ingham, Sierra Leone after a Hundred Years, 91–92 (for the storehouse). For the French attack, see Zachary Macaulay and James Watt to the Chairman and Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, Freetown, 15 November 1794, f. 1, Journal of Zachary Macaulay, mssMY 418 (7), Macaulay Papers, HL; Ad[am] Afzelius to the Governor and Council of Sierra Leone, n.p., 27 November 1794, ff. 186–87, Add. MS 12131, BL. For the wounded, see George, “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George,” 344. For the Bai Farma, see Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 18 October 1794, mssMY 418 (4), HL. For runaways and antislavery, see Philip Misevich, “Freetown and ‘Freedom?’: Colonialism and Slavery in Sierra Leone, 1790s to 1861,” Slavery, Abolition and the Transition to Colonialism in Sierra Leone, 190.

15. For trade, see Bruce L. Mouser, “Rebellion, Marronage and Jihād: Strategies of Resistance to Slavery on the Sierra Leone Coast, c. 1783–1796,” Journal of African History 48 (2007): 27–44, esp. 32; Mouser, “Landlords-Strangers,” 431. For landlords and strangers, see Mouser, “Landlords-Strangers,” 425; Allen M. Howard, “The Relevance of Spatial Analysis for African Economic History: The Sierra Leone-Guinea System,” Journal of African History 17, no. 3 (1976): 365–88, esp. 373. For secret societies, see Howard, “The Relevance of Spatial Analysis for African Economic History,” 374; Fyle, The History of Sierra Leone, 9, 23.

16. Misevich, “On the Frontier of ‘Freedom,’ ” 31 (for rice), 36–37 (for kola nuts and salt); Allen M. Howard, “Nineteenth-Century Coastal Slave Trading and the British Abolition Campaign in Sierra Leone,” Slavery and Abolition 27, no. 1 (April 2006): 23–49, esp. 28 (for rice); Schwarz, “From Company Administration to Crown Control,” 173–74 (for the Bullom Shore); 17 March 1792, f. 13, Add. MS 41264, BL; “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson, R.N. (governor, 1792),” 23 October 1792, Sierra Leone Studies (Freetown, Sierra Leone), no. VIII (March 1927): 91 (“of the Timmany”); Zachary Macaulay to Henry Thornton, Thornton Hill, 7 June 1797, Journal of Zachary Macaulay, mssMY 418 (21), Macaulay Papers, HL (“Timmanies, Bullams”).

17. Thomas Clarkson to John Clarkson, 2 January 1792, f. 67, Add. MS 41262A, BL (quote); Report from the Committee on the Petition of the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, 1802. House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online, 8, accessed January 28, 2016, http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88–2004&res_dat=xri:hcpp&rft_dat=xri:hcpp:rec:1801–000196 (for money spent on provisions).

18. For the first estimate, see Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 8 August 1793, f. 118, mssMY 418 (1), Macaulay Papers, HL. For the second estimate, see Misevich, “On the Frontier of ‘Freedom,’ ” 145. For the population count, see Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown, 136.

19. Ingham, Sierra Leone after a Hundred Years, 122; “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson,” 21 September and 2 November 1792, 51, 94; “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson,” 15 September 1792, 49. For rewards that incentivized the production of certain crops and animals, see 19 May 1795, ff. 155–61, CO 270/3, TNA; 5 February 1798, ff. 191–93, CO 270/4, TNA; 20 January 1801, f. 35, CO 270/6, TNA.

20. 1 May 1792, f. 35, Add. MS 12131, BL (“Some hams”); Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 298 (for Peters’s death); Ingham, Sierra Leone after a Hundred Years, 66 (“the people” and “the applications”).

21. “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson,” 31 August and 1 September 1792, 34.

22. Ingham, Sierra Leone after a Hundred Years, 65 (quote). For the change in provisioning, see “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson,” 19 November 1792, 106; Council Minutes, 12 May 1792, ff. 37–38, CO 270/2, TNA.

23. John Strong to John Clarkson, Freetown, 19 November 1792; [Captains of companies] to John Clarkson, Freetown, 18 November 1792; all in “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson,” 19 November 1792, 105–6. See also Luke Jordan to John Clarkson, n.p., 18 November 1792, “Our Children Free and Happy,” 28.

24. Beverhout Company to John Clarkson, n.p., 26 June 1792, “Our Children Free and Happy,” 26 (for juries); Wilson, John Clarkson and the African Adventure, 127, 130–35 (for Clarkson’s wedding and firing); Journal of Isaac Du Bois, sent to John Clarkson, 10 January 1793 and 14 January 1793, ff. 4 (“there [was] neither”), 6 (for land), Add. MS 41263, BL. William Dawes governed from 1792 to 1794 and 1795 to 1796, and then Zachary Macaulay from 1794 to 1795 and 1796 to 1799. John Gray governed from April to May of 1799 before Thomas Ludlum took over.

25. On petitioning, see Sidbury, “ ‘African’ Settlers in the Founding of Freetown,” 132.

26. Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages, 100 (quote).

27. “Cato Pirkins and Isaac Anderson to the Hble the Chairmain & Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company London” [sent to John Clarkson 30 October 1793], 13 October 1793, f. 99, Add. MS 41263, BL (“extortionate” and “put thirty”); Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages, 105–6 (“almost every kind”); Ingham, Sierra Leone after a Hundred Years, 80 (“we must either”); Moses Wilkinson, Isaac Anderson, [?] Peters, James Hutchinson, Luke Jordan, Jno. Jordan, Burbin Simmons, Amarica Tolbert, and “a Great many More the paper wont afford” to John Clarkson, Sierra Leone, 19 November 1794, f. 114, Add. MS 41263, BL (“a town”).

28. Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 20 December 1796, mssMY 418 (17), Macaulay Papers, HL (quotes). For Sharp, see Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 16, 48; Byrd, Captives and Voyagers, 132. For an alternate description of Sharp’s plan, see Wallace Brown, “The Black Loyalists in Sierra Leone,” Moving On, 104. For Dawes, Macaulay, and the Hundredors and Tythingmen in Sierra Leone, see 31 December 1792, f. 66, CO 270/2, TNA; Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 16, 48.

29. Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages, 124 (quote); Ariela J. Gross, Double Character: Slavery and Mastery in the Antebellum Southern Courtroom (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 53–54 (for U.S. juries).

30. 4 July 1793, f. 77, CO 270/2, TNA (for meat prices). For the experiments, see Resolutions of Council, Freetown, Sierra Leone, 23 August 1794, ff. 5–6, CO 270/3, TNA; Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 21 August 1794, mssMY 418 (3), Macaulay Papers, HL. For the higher bread price, see In Council, 9 June 1795, f. 174, CO 270/3, TNA. For “highly proper,” see In Council, 12 October 1795, ff. 230–33, CO 270/3, TNA. For black Loyalists’ relationship to the market, see Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 93–94. For reactions to state food systems, see Jeffrey M. Pilcher, ¡Que Vivan los Tamales! Food and the Making of Mexican Identity (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 2; Nick Cullather, “The Foreign Policy of the Calorie,” American Historical Review 112, no. 2 (April 2007): 337–64, esp. 360.

31. At first, many colonists felt driven by a religious impulse that explained their flight from North America, what they saw as their mission in Africa, and, for some, desires to forge bonds with Africans. David George and Boston King both spoke of teaching Africans Christianity and hoped for successful conversion attempts. Black Loyalists welcomed Africans into Freetown because doing so increased possibilities for Christian conversion as well as trade. In 1796 a group of Methodists even moved to Pirate’s Bay with the permission of two Temne headmen, claiming identities as Christian Africans. Most of the colonists, however, would have had trouble identifying as Africans. Less than one-fourth of them were African-born. Of the 123 heads of households in Birchtown, Nova Scotia, who registered interest in migrating to Sierra Leone, 39 percent were born in the Chesapeake, 31 percent in Africa, and 24 percent in the Carolinas. Because these percentages included only adult men, who comprised a larger portion of African slaves, they inflated the African-born members of the population. Religious differences between Loyalists and Africans caused significant problems, and language barriers further impeded conversion. For black missionaries, see Edward E. Andrews, Native Apostles: Black and Indian Missionaries in the British Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013). For King and George, see “An Account of the Life of Mr. David George,” 343, 345; “Memoirs of the Life of Boston King,” 365. For Methodists, Pirate’s Bay, and black Loyalists’ places of origin, see Sidbury, “ ‘African’ Settlers in the Founding of Freetown,” 129, 131, 134–35, 139n5. For language and conversion problems, see Falconbridge, Narrative of Two Voyages, 110; Brown, “The Black Loyalists in Sierra Leone,” 120.

32. In Council, 9 June 1795, f. 174, CO 270/3, TNA (“issue an order”); Richard Corankapoor and Thomas Jackson to [the Governor and Council], Free Town, 8 June 1795, f. 175, CO 270/3, TNA (“some fine,” “to kill,” “not think,” and “that no”).

33. David E. Skinner, “The Incorporation of Muslim Elites into the Colonial Administrative Systems of Sierra Leone, the Gambia, and the Gold Coast,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 29, no. 1 (2009): 91–108, esp. 94 (for Muslim elites); Mouser, “Landlords-Strangers,” 425 (for accommodation and assimilation).

34. 6 January 1798, ff. 184–85, CO 270/4, TNA (quotes); Misevich, “On the Frontier of ‘Freedom,’ ” 11 (for high prices).

35. Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 12 September 1797, mssMY 418 (22), Macaulay Papers, HL; In Council, 23 March 1798, f. 196, CO 270/4, TNA. See also Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown, 185.

36. 5 March 1798, f. 193, CO 270/4, TNA.

37. Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 22 December 1796, mssMY 418 (17), Macaulay Papers, HL.

38. In Council, 24 June 1799, f. 269, 272, CO 270/4, TNA.

39. For Jordan’s, Anderson’s, and Cuthbert’s offices, see Douglas R. Egerton, Death or Liberty: African Americans and Revolutionary America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 219. For interpretations of this event, see Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 388–96; Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 304–5; Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 198–99; Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 125–28; Cassandra Pybus, “Henry ‘Harry’ Washington (1750s–1790s): A Founding Father’s Slave,” in The Human Tradition in the Atlantic World, 1500–1850, ed. Karen Racine and Beatriz G. Mamigonian (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2010), 113.

40. “Paper of Laws stuck up at Abram Smith’s house by the Hundredors and Tythingmen,” Appendix, ff. 98–100, CO 270/5, TNA (quotes); “A Narrative of the Rebellion which broke out in this Colony on the 25th of Septr. 1800,” Appendix, ff. 100–11, CO 270/5, TNA. The code was dated 3 September.

41. “A Narrative of the Rebellion which broke out in this Colony on the 25th of Septr. 1800,” Appendix, ff. 100 (for the postings of the code), 102 (for the scuffle, the 27th, and the bridge), 104 (for pillaging), CO 270/5, TNA; Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 392 (for the bayonet). For King Tom, see Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 304; Fyle, Historical Dictionary of Sierra, 210–11. For the Maroons, see [John King] to John Schoolbred, Whitehall, 7 July 1796, f. 139, CO 267/10, TNA. For the soldiers, see f. 105, CO 270/5, TNA. For slightly different numbers, see Egerton, Death or Liberty, 220. For the tribunal, see Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 304–5; Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 388–96.

42. In 1794 the council intended to force payment of a quitrent ten times higher than any of those in America, despite many colonists remaining landless. For quitrent rates in Sierra Leone, see Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 189. For primary documents, see Resolution of Council Omitted, [?] January 1794, f. 139, CO 270/2, TNA; Henry Thornton to John Clarkson, London, 30 December 1791, f. 41, Add MS. 41262A, BL; Zachary Macaulay and James Watt to the Chairman and Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, Freetown, Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 15 November 1794, f. 2, mssMY 418 (7), Macaulay Papers, HL. For the elections, see Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 68, 81–87; Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 383–401; Clifford, From Slavery to Freetown, 189–96; Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom, 191–202; Egerton, Death or Liberty, 219; Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 304–7; Sidbury, Becoming African in America, 125–28. For “general indignation,” see “A Narrative of the Rebellion which broke out in this Colony on the 25th of Septr. 1800,” Appendix, f. 100, CO 270/5, TNA. For executions and post-September accounts, see “A Narrative of the Rebellion which broke out in this Colony on the 25th of Septr. 1800,” Appendix, ff. 100–11, CO 270/5, TNA; Report from the Committee on the Petition of the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, 1802. The literature on black rebellions is vast, and the terminology related to riot and rebellion is not uniform in scholarship. Paul Gilje excludes slave rebellions from his survey of American riots because he argues that it was difficult for the enslaved to riot. Paul A. Gilje, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996), 6. For representative examples on rebellion, see Peter Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina: From 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974); Gad Heuman, “The Killing Time”: The Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica (London, UK: University of Tennessee Press, 1994); James Sidbury, Ploughshares into Swords: Race, Rebellion, and Identity in Gabriel’s Virginia, 1730–1810 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). In some works, only after emancipation does crowd action become “political unrest” or “riot.” Other scholars have used terms like rebellion, riot, and uprising interchangeably regardless of whether dissenters were enslaved or free. For postemancipation terminology, see Michael Naragon, “From Chattel to Citizen: The Transition from Slavery to Freedom in Richmond, Virginia,” Slavery and Abolition 21, no. 2 (2000): 93–116, esp. 112. For works that vary word usage, see Julie Saville, “Rites and Power: Reflections on Slavery, Freedom and Political Ritual,” Slavery and Abolition 20, no. 1 (1999): 81–102, esp. 84–85; Natasha Lightfoot, “ ‘Their Coats were Tied Up like Men’: Women Rebels in Antigua’s 1858 Uprising,” Slavery and Abolition 31, no. 4 (November 2010): 527–45; Stephan Lenik, “Plantation Labourer Rebellions, Material Culture and Events: Historical Archaeology at Geneva Estate, Grand Bay, Commonwealth of Dominica,” Slavery and Abolition 35, no. 3 (September 2014): 508–26, esp. 518–19.

43. Ishmael York, Stephen Peters, and Isaac Anderson to the Honourable Captain Ball Esq., 16 January 1798, in “Our Children Free and Happy,” 58 (“If we are his”); Edward A. Pearson, “ ‘A countryside full of flames’: A Reconsideration of the Stono Rebellion and Slave Rebelliousness in the Early Eighteenth-Century South Carolina Lowcountry,” Slavery and Abolition 17, no. 2 (1996): 22–50, esp. 38–39 (for rebellious behavior); Pybus, “Henry ‘Harry’ Washington (1750s–1790s),” 113 (for the rioters’ ages); In Council, 5 January 1799, f. 234, CO 270/4, TNA (for colonists taking office); Coleman, Romantic Colonization, 109 (for land and subjecthood); “A Narrative of the Rebellion which broke out in this Colony on the 25th of Septr. 1800,” Appendix, f. 102, CO 270/5, TNA (“intelligence was received”). See also Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles, 304; Egerton, Death or Liberty, 219–20; Sidbury, “ ‘African’ Settlers in the Founding of Freetown,” 138; Wilson, The Loyal Blacks, 396.

44. Mouser, “Rebellion, Marronage and Jihād,” 33; Rashid, “Escape, Revolt, and Marronage in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Sierra Leone Hinterland,” 667–68; Report from the Committee on the Petition of the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, 1802, 4.

45. For England and September 1800, see John Bohstedt, The Politics of Provisions: Food Riots, Moral Economy, and Market Transition in England, c. 1550–1850 (Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2010), 2, 192, 217. For America, see Barbara Clark Smith, “Food Rioters and the American Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly 51, no. 1 (January 1994): 3–38, esp. 3; Wayne E. Lee, Crowds and Soldiers in Revolutionary North Carolina: The Culture of Violence in Riot and War (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001). For nonwhite communities, see Eliga Gould, “Independence and Interdependence: The American Revolution and the Problem of Postcolonial Nationhood, circa 1802,” William and Mary Quarterly 74, no. 4 (October 2017): 729–52, esp. 732.

46. For types of riots, see John Walton and David Seddon, Free Markets and Food Riots: The Politics of Global Adjustment (Cambridge, UK: John Wiley and Sons, 1994), 25–26. For food riots elsewhere, see E. P. Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past and Present, no. 50 (February 1971): 76–136; Cynthia A. Bouton, The Flour War: Gender, Class, and Community in Late Ancien Régime French Society (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993); Walton and Seddon, Free Markets and Food Riots; Smith, “Food Rioters and the American Revolution”; Andy Wood, Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics in Early Modern England (Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); Bohstedt, The Politics of Provisions.

47. For riotous women, see Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” 115; John Bohstedt, “Gender, Household and Community Politics: Women in English Riots 1790–1810,” Past and Present 120, no. 1 (August 1988): 88–122; Lightfoot, “ ‘Their Coats were Tied Up like Men,’ ” 537. For female shopkeepers, see “Our Children Free and Happy,” 12; John Clarkson to William Dawes, Freetown, 5 October 1792, “Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson,” 79. For women and children during the riot, see Isaac Anderson, unsigned, n.d., in “Our Children Free and Happy,” 65. For the absence of leaders and arms, see Charles Tilly, “Food Supply and Public Order in Modern Europe,” in The Formation of National States in Western Europe, ed. Charles Tilly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975), 443.

48. For death rates in England and France, see Bohstedt, The Politics of Provisions, 224; Tilly, “Food Supply and Public Order in Modern Europe,” 383. For America, see Gilje, Rioting in America, 25. For Perkins, see Fyfe, “Our Children Free and Happy,” 18. For Anderson, see Appendix, f. 110, CO 270/5, TNA.

49. In Council, Journal of Zachary Macaulay, 7 March 1795, ff. 55–56, MY 418 (3), HL.

50. For changes to pricing in Britain, see Marc-William Palen, “Adam Smith as Advocate of Empire, c. 1870–1932,” Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (March 2014): 179–98, esp. 183. For the American colonies and United States, see Smith, “Food Rioters and the American Revolution,” 24. For the 1800s, see Alfred E. Eckes Jr., Opening America’s Market: U.S. Foreign Trade Policy Since 1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 26; Marc-William Palen, “Foreign Relations in the Gilded Age: A British Free-Trade Conspiracy?” Diplomatic History 37, no. 2 (April 2013): 217–47, esp. 219, 247. For 1808 Sierra Leone, see Brown, “The Black Loyalists in Sierra Leone,” 122; Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, 97; David Northrup, “Becoming African: Identify Formation among Liberated Slaves in Nineteenth-Century Sierra Leone,” Slavery and Abolition 27, no. 1 (August 2006): 1–21; David Lambert, “Sierra Leone and Other Sites in the War of Representation over Slavery,” History Workshop Journal 64, no. 1 (Autumn 2007): 103–32. For cash crops and slavery, see Schwarz, “From Company Administration to Crown Control,” 181; Coleman, Romantic Colonization, 132; Everill, Abolition and Empire in Sierra Leone and Liberia, 19.

Conclusion. Why Native and Black Revolutionaries Lost the Fight

1. For circum-Atlantic history, see David Armitage, “Three Concepts of Atlantic History,” in The British Atlantic World, ed. David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 16.

2. For representative works, see Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 2006 [1983]); Cassandra Pybus, Epic Journeys of Freedom: Runaway Slaves of the American Revolution and their Global Quest for Liberty (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006); Jane G. Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); Maya Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011); Janet Polasky, Revolutions without Borders: The Call to Liberty in the Atlantic World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015); Benjamin E. Park, American Nationalisms: Imagining Union in the Age of Revolutions, 1783–1833 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2018), esp. 1, 4.

3. For a useful definition of the term food sovereignty, see Jennifer Cockrall-King, Food and the City: Urban Agriculture and the New Food Revolution (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2012), 319.

4. Edward W. Gregg, Xiaohui Zhuo, Yiling J. Cheng, Ann L. Albright, K. M. Venkat Narayan, and Theodore J. Thompson, “Trends in Lifetime Risk and Years of Life Lost Due to Diabetes in the USA, 1985–2011: A Modelling Study,” Lancet: Diabetes and Endocrinology 2, no. 11 (November 2014), 867–74, esp. 869; Vanessa W. Simonds, Adam Omidpanah, and Dedra Buchwald, “Diabetes Prevention among American Indians: The Role of Self-Efficacy, Risk Perception, Numeracy and Cultural Identity,” BMC Public Health 17, no. 763 (2017): 1–11. For Black Britons, see also Anoop Dinesh Shah, Claudia Langenberg, Eleni Rapsomaniki, Spiros Denaxas, Mar Pujades-Rodrigues, Chris P. Gale, John Deanfield, Liam Smeeth, Adam Timmis, and Harry Hemingway, “Type 2 Diabetes and Incidence of Cardiovascular Diseases: A Cohort Study in 1.9 Million People,” Lancet: Diabetes and Endocrinology 3, no. 2 (February 2015): 105–13, esp. 108.

5. When I was an undergraduate, my professors taught me not to use the first person in formal historical writing because it is “obtrusive,” and I repeat this advice to my students. But as an undergraduate I also learned that it was okay to break some of the rules of writing history once I’d learned them, and nowadays I’m not sure that historians agree whether the first person “I” is allowable or forbidden anyway. James H. Merrell, “A Few Matters of Form and Style,” unpublished handout, Vassar College, 7. Merrell was citing James Axtell, “Writing History,” also an unpublished handout. Here I have broken another rule by not consulting this source directly, but whereas James Merrell was an undergraduate teacher of mine, James Axtell was not. I thank Seth Tannenbaum for scanning and sending me his copy of “A Few Matters,” and I accept full responsibility for breaking these rules.

6. A Practical Guide to Studying History: Skills and Approaches, ed. Tracey Loughran (London: Bloomsbury, 2017).

7. This observation about who in the past won the right to write history has been shaped by scholarship on colonists’ conflicts with Indians during other time periods. See especially Alfred A. Cave, “The Pequot Invasion of Southern New England: A Reassessment of the Evidence,” New England Quarterly 12, no. 4 (1988): 277–97; Jill Lepore, The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identity (New York: Vintage Books, 1998); Andrew C. Lipman, “Murder on the Saltwater Frontier: The Death of John Oldham,” Early American Studies 9, no. 2 (2011): 268–94.

8. Michael A. LaCombe, Political Gastronomy: Food and Authority in the English Atlantic World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 88–89; Jack Santino, All around the Year: Holidays and Celebrations in American Life (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 169.

9. Most recently, David Shields has even argued that scholars need to know what varieties of foodstuffs people ate and how they tasted. David Shields, Southern Provisions: The Creation and Revival of a Cuisine (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2015), xi–xii, 16.