11
A Return to See How Far We’ve Come
In April 1969, there was no such day as this in sight. This is a great day in Cornell history.
—Cornell president emeritus Dale Corson, May 4, 1995
In 1980, when I was thirty-one and living in Boston and working at Arthur Young, I finally sat down to write a letter that I had been thinking of writing for quite some time. My life had evolved incredibly well since April 1969 at Willard Straight Hall, and I was thankful. I was successful, happily married, and healthy in mind, body, and soul. My thoughts sometimes strayed to wondering what my life experiences might have been if I had been arrested then or even imprisoned. Or—worst of all—what if I had died in a gun battle? I believed that President James Perkins was the person primarily responsible for the forbearance with which Cornell had acted in April 1969, and I felt a moral obligation to thank him.
July 18, 1980
Dear Dr. Perkins,
It was nice to talk to you after so many years … I have thought of you many times, and I have been pained and shamed that a friend of Afro-Americans paid the highest price for that confrontation. As one grows older one realizes, fortunately, that belated expressions of apology and sympathy are perhaps still capable of rendering some slight comfort; one knows, in any event, that such expressions must be given to those to whom they are due. I give you my apology for not having stood with you against the tide of emotionalism and racial fear, and for using my talents to mobilize forces which intimidated the faculty and, in turn, led the faculty to vent their anger and resentment upon you. My apology would have come earlier, but it is easier to evade and forget such responsibilities when one is younger.
I am confident that you are yet going to be extremely proud of me, and of your decisions which contributed to shaping me during those important Cornell years—most importantly, your decision to admit more black students (including myself) in the fall of 1965, and your decision not to crush us with police force (or criminal records) in the spring of 1969. I believe that I can make an important contribution to America during this ten to fifteen year period we are now entering—a period which may be decisive in the ultimate history of America’s interracial relations …
Best wishes,
Thomas W. Jones
He must have replied immediately upon receiving it, because I got his return letter the same week:
Dear Tom,
Let me say immediately that your letter to me met my real expectations for you. Your basic intelligence and sense of fairness come through in full measure. Thank you for saying what you did, and the way in which you said it.
I suspected at the time that someday I would be proud of you and satisfied that the tough decision to admit the greatly increased number of blacks into American higher education was a social priority of the highest importance.
Sincerely,
James A. Perkins
It had nagged at my conscience for many years that I had been instrumental in creating a grievous wound at Cornell that had not healed. Some black students were so emotionally traumatized by the events of 1969 that they never completed their Cornell degree, and some never completed college at all. Faculty careers and families had been disrupted as some professors chose to leave Cornell in the wake of the takeover. President Perkins had become, in those months in 1969 and since, the primary scapegoat for the wrath of the faculty and the board of trustees, and he had resigned under pressure in 1970. I found his fate ironic, really, because it was he who had created COSEP to champion increased black student enrollment at Cornell in the first place, and he who had prevailed in negotiations with the AAS to prevent violence. In my mind, Perkins’s commitment to black progress was further evidenced by his position as chairman of the United Negro College Fund when he became Cornell’s president in 1963.
In 1987, former Cornell professor Allan Bloom published his book The Closing of the American Mind, a strong critique of events at Cornell and of higher education in general in the 1960s. I read his book and laughed at the irony of the title. From my perspective, the most perniciously closed minds had been those of Cornell professors Allan Bloom and Walter Berns and their like-minded colleagues who had ignored the ugly truths of American history. Professors Berns and Bloom were inspired by the noble themes and threads in American history, of which there are many, and their passion translated into masterly classroom presentations. Their courses were always very popular. But they tended to ignore or minimize historical themes and threads that didn’t fit their noble narrative storyline. They didn’t teach explicit falsehoods, but they lied by omission and they minimized historical realities that didn’t fit their fairy-tale version of American history and government. For instance, they did not teach about the ravages of slavery inflicted on millions of African Americans. They did not teach about the genocide committed by American settlers and military forces against Native Americans, nor about the racial terrorism perpetrated by the Ku Klux Klan against African Americans from the post–Civil War Reconstruction era on through the 1960s. It was as though these ugly historical realities simply didn’t exist in the academic courses taught by Berns and Bloom and most of their colleagues in Cornell’s professorate.
And then what happened when students like me challenged their sanitized fairy tales? They became irritated. The African American, so integral to the American story, was simply and almost utterly excluded from the standard curriculum, which is one of the reasons why black students at Cornell and other universities had to fight for black studies. We had to insist upon an education that included us. On balance, the civil rights movement, anti-war movement, women’s liberation movement, and gay pride movement have opened America’s eyes to historical truths and contradictions about our country. Through this acknowledging of historical truth, and resolving to come closer to achieving America’s noble founding ideals, America has become a better country.
It became important to me, upon reflection, to remember those at Cornell who had lifted me up and to celebrate positivity and progress. In 1992 I made a gift to Cornell to endow a fund for planning programs in honor of Professor Barclay Jones, who had given me the time and friendship and guidance I’d needed all those years before. “This endowment,” I told the university, “is dedicated to Barclay Jones in recognition that everybody stands on somebody’s shoulders—and over the years, Barclay has willingly offered his shoulders to many of his students, including me.” The fund supports work in the department Barclay led, the Department of City and Regional Planning, as well as the graduate planning field in general, which spans several departments in the university.
And then, two years later, I conceived the idea to endow an annual James A. Perkins Prize for Interracial Understanding and Harmony to honor President Perkins’s legacy and sacrifice, and to foster a spirit of healing and reconciliation in the Cornell community. My gift was an atonement, a token of gratitude, a way to honor him, and a way to foster and support “activities that promote interracial respect, understanding and harmony on campus,” as the official description of the prize states.
The A. D. White House is a lumbering, creaking old brick home in the Second Empire style, originally the official residence for Cornell’s inaugural president, Andrew Dickson White. It sits up on a little hill on East Avenue, set apart from any other buildings. Today it houses the Society for the Humanities and hosts special gatherings, including the announcement of the Perkins Prize. That first announcement was a small affair, with some students and faculty and alumni, a few trustees, and some people from town in attendance. It was a quiet event but full of hope and affection. I made these remarks there that day:
I am pleased to establish the James A. Perkins Prize for Interracial Understanding and Harmony, and to participate in this first annual award ceremony. The Prize is intended to convey three messages.
First, a message of hope. Hope that America will continue to persevere to achieve our highest ideals. I believe our destiny is to be the first nation in the world to successfully unite people of every race and culture in a free democratic society, with justice and equal opportunity for all. Hope encourages us to strive to be more tomorrow than we are today.
Second, a message of celebration. Celebration of how far we have come in our efforts to achieve racial equality and cultural acceptance. We have traveled a road carved through 375 years of adversity since the first African slaves landed in America. That road of progress has been carved in each generation by Americans of goodwill from all races. We should pause occasionally to celebrate how far we have come, even as we think of how far we have yet to go. Celebration encourages us to acknowledge how much we have achieved.
Third, a message of recognition. Recognition that enlightened individuals, institutions, and organizations help us to find the road to progress in each generation. President Perkins was an enlightened individual who led the way in opening the doors of our best colleges and universities in the 1960s to greatly expanded numbers of minority students. Cornell has historically been an enlightened institution in searching for racial progress—for example, it is noteworthy that Cornell had sufficient African American students to organize a black fraternity chapter in the early 1900s. Few American universities can make that claim. Recognition encourages enlightened individuals, institutions, and organizations to continue leading the way.
I hope that the winners of the Perkins Prize for Interracial Understanding and Harmony will continue to demonstrate this year, and in the years ahead, that love and goodwill can make a decisive difference in helping our country to overcome its racial difficulties.
After my remarks, the first-ever Perkins Prize was awarded, to the Cornell Political Forum, a student-published nonpartisan journal of respectful and impassioned intellectual debate. It was a respected forum for productive dialogue among a diverse set of viewpoints. The next year, at the ceremony to award the second annual Perkins Prize, the Festival of Black Gospel was recognized for its work in presenting annually an inspiring jamboree of choirs and individual artists, which attracts hundreds from campus and the town and surrounding region. Again, both President Perkins and I attended the award ceremony, and this time a local pastor, the Reverend Douglas Green of the First Congregational Church of Christ in Ithaca, was in attendance with his wife. They came up to speak with us afterwards, an encounter he was to recount later in a sermon to his congregation (which he was kind enough to mail to me). He concluded that sermon with these words:
So at the end of that little ceremony, and as I said, there were no cameras, no crowds, no media, as there were at Willard Straight many years ago, I went up and talked to Perkins and Jones. I thanked them for what they had done, for what they had both said, and told them that this was one of the more hopeful and beautiful things I had seen in a long time. And Mrs. Perkins, who was standing there, and who, I imagine, suffered as much in the 60’s as her husband, said with a smile, “Yes, this is very hopeful.” And then she added, and this is where I almost cried, “And if this can happen, anything can happen.” Amen.
Figure 20 / Tom and former Cornell president James Perkins at the inaugural Perkins Prize award ceremony, May 1995 (Cornell Daily Sun photograph by Aurianne Nappi, Class of 1996).
My favorite Perkins Prize winner over the years was the Intergroup Dialogue Project, which won in 2014. It has as its mission and goal to raise the consciousness of all, develop a campus climate of understanding, build relationships across differences, and help people learn to work through conflicts. The dialogues, which are given a new theme each semester, are focused on race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, gender, religion, and sexual orientation. Thousands of Cornell students have taken the IDP course for academic credit, and enrollment is usually oversubscribed. Through this program, students are trained to make positive contributions to creating a more respectful and inclusive society in an increasingly diverse America.
I was surprised and very pleased with the reaction to the Perkins Prize. The May 5, 1995, Cornell Daily Sun front-page headline read “Former Straight Opponents Make Peace,” and the story by Seth Stern read, in part,
“I’m terribly proud to be part of this,” said Perkins, who returned to Cornell yesterday for only the fourth time since leaving in June 1969. “I could not believe the University could fund a [prize] that so closely fulfilled the ideals I was groping for.” … Perkins resigned two months after the takeover under pressure from faculty who criticized his performance during the standoff…. Although Perkins worked to increase the enrollment of minority students during his administration—raising the number of black students on campus from 10 to more than 250—it’s the three-day takeover that will forever mark Perkins’ tenure.
But the reactions to the Perkins Prize were not universally positive. An article in the Philadelphia Inquirer quoted a faculty member who had “left Cornell in disgust,” describing both the 1969 and 1995 campus events as “obscene,” and quoted Ed Whitfield, who “called Jones a sell-out.”
When I was forty-three, members of the Cornell University board of trustees, along with senior staff in Alumni Affairs and Development, reached out to me and asked if I would consider being nominated for a seat on the board. My appearance on the nominee slate in 1993 stirred controversy and irritated the unhealed wounds from the Straight takeover. On April 7, a month before the board would vote to admit the nominated members, the New York Times ran an article about me titled “Evolution of a Protester: From Guns to Governing”:
Those who support Mr. Jones say he should be judged on his current qualifications … But some people argue that Mr. Jones should not be forgiven, while those who consider the takeover symbolic of the struggle for minority rights complain that he has abandoned their cause. And some are disappointed that he has expressed regrets about his role in the takeover. It probably goes without saying that Mr. Jones no longer endorses the tactics and language he used in 1969. “Given the way things played out in that historical period, I made the best decisions I could under the circumstances, and I will not repudiate that 25 years later,” he said in a recent telephone interview from his office in New York. “I regret that any incident of potential violence occurred in our society at the university then, and I wish it had not occurred.”
I was graciously welcomed to the Cornell board by chairman Stephen Weiss, vice chair Patricia Stewart, and many other board members. One of my first duties was to serve on the presidential search committee charged with recommending a successor to President Frank Rhodes. In late 1994 our search and deliberations concluded with the appointment of Hunter Rawlings as Cornell’s tenth president. My immersion in important board committees and decisions deepened my sense that I had unfinished business at Cornell, a feeling that had troubled my conscience for years.
The university was planning an event to commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Straight takeover. The organizers asked if I would be willing to speak at the event, since I was in the unusual position of being a member of the board and a key player in the takeover.
As I worked to draft remarks, I realized that I wanted to speak to the black students of today. I did not want merely to relay history or make something of an apology for behavior I no longer believed wholly correct. At the same time, I did want to convey something of the heat and necessity of the protest.
In April of 1994, I returned to the Straight to deliver my speech. I entered the building at its main entrance onto Ho Plaza, the same doors where we’d exited armed and triumphant all those years earlier. The podium was set up in the Memorial Room—a gracious room with a vaulted ceiling and high windows on three sides that flood the room with light. I faced a crowd of alumni, staff, and current students. My talk, which was titled “Reflections on the Sixties and the Nineties,” read in part:
The April 1969 Newsweek cover photo of Cornell University black students armed with rifles, shotguns, and bandoliers of bullets probably ranks as one of the most vivid images of the sixties. Quite a number of years ago I was given a poster-size photo of myself leaving Willard Straight Hall at the end of the occupation, a rifle crooked in my left arm and my right fist in the air. The poster still hangs in my study at home and when I look at it I am most struck by the depths of anger and determination in my face.
Anger and determination. Those two words may reflect both the anguish and the hope of the sixties. “Anguish” because it was truly frightening, and a tragedy, that so many young Americans were so angry at our society that we did such things. Both anguish and anger were behind the Willard Straight Hall takeover, the “Days of Rage” at the Democratic Convention in Chicago, and the turmoil at Berkeley, Columbia, Harvard, and other universities. But also “hope” because it was in a spirit of self-sacrifice that we were determined to fight for beliefs and principles greater than ourselves. Our actions were not for personal gain. In April 1969, a month before my graduation, one of the few things I was not accused of was positioning myself for an auspicious career in the business world!
I want to talk to you about what caused that anger and determination, or anguish and hope. And I want to talk to you about how we might put the anger and anguish behind us, and move forward together with determination and hope to try to fulfill the great promise and destiny of this country. Let me develop these themes by addressing three questions that many of you have on your minds:
- Do I have any regrets or apologies for being a leader of the “Guns at Cornell” incident in 1969?
- Have I had to relinquish or compromise the ideals I used to care about in order to achieve success in the business world?
- Has America become the kind of society that we of the 1960s wanted. If so, why is this what we wanted? If not, what should be different?
On the first question … the answer is both yes and no. Yes, I am sorry that the threat of violence racked this great institution which is dedicated to reason and truth, and for which I have great affection. Yes, I am sorry that I bear some of the responsibility for the failure to resolve our differences through reason and discourse. Yes, I am sorry that a fine man like Dr. James Perkins was the lightning rod for the reactive wrath of the faculty, trustees, and alumni. Yes, I am sorry that some black students were so traumatized and disoriented that they never completed their Cornell degrees, and some never completed college at all.
But no, I’m not sorry for standing up alongside my friends and fellows for what we believed in. No, I don’t regret refusing to capitu-late to those administrators and faculty who also contributed to the ingredients of the confrontation. They didn’t pick up the guns, of course—they weren’t “violent” in the literal meaning of the word. But violence is just the last stop on a line that also runs through ill will, arrogance, disregard, contempt, and intimidation. I will not cede the moral high ground to perpetrators of these things merely because they had no need at that particular moment to turn to force. Physical violence may be the most readily recognized and, even to many, the most frightening kind of threat, but it isn’t the only kind, nor even necessarily the most damaging kind, nor the hardest kind to resist.
[…]
So we were prepared in 1969 to be the generation of African Americans that would draw the line. No more being treated with ill will, arrogance, disregard, contempt, and intimidation. Personally, I simply thought of it as being a generation fingered by the random wheel of history to shoulder an unusually difficult burden. I thought my life would be short, but I was not afraid. Death is not the worst thing that can happen to a person … Many generations and many individuals have had to summon the courage to shoulder unusually difficult burdens. So we were prepared in 1969 to meet our destiny in a struggle that was much bigger than any one of us, and even much bigger than all of us.
[…]
Let me turn to the second question I promised to address: Have I had to compromise my ideals to succeed in the business world? The answer is quite simply “No.” I continue to care very deeply about social justice, and about our country. From my perspective, however, America has changed dramatically during the past thirty years. Let me give you just two simple but telling examples of how much America has changed.
Thirty years ago, it really was a problem for African Americans to be served at public facilities in many parts of the country. I remember as a child traveling through the South with my parents and stopping at gas stations where, before he would buy gas, my father would ask if we would be allowed to use the restrooms. Many of you can’t imagine living under that kind of segregation. And thirty years ago, it was common for minorities and women to routinely be denied jobs and promotions in most American companies simply because of race or gender. Many of you can’t imagine living under that kind of discrimination.
[…]
On the one hand, the petty discrimination of being denied access to public facilities was intended to dehumanize African Americans, and to proclaim every day that we were different and inferior. And on the other hand, the systemic institutional denial of economic opportunities was intended to ensure that African Americans remained poor and powerless. And as you step back through American history, each previous decade is typically more brutal in its treatment of African Americans.
But the purpose of reciting this history is not just to remind you of where we have been but also to focus on how far we have come. It is important to know history, and to understand how the world we live in today has been shaped by the past … But it is equally important not to be a prisoner of history. By that I mean there is no point in limiting our potential for today and tomorrow with the chains of the past. The burden is too heavy. We will never have a better world if each ethnic group or nation focuses solely on perpetual resentment and animosity for historical grievances and injustices … We must all be open to reaching accommodation and making progress in a spirit of tolerance, healing, and reconciliation.
I believe that the turmoil of the sixties was a major factor in convincing our governing institutions and elites, as well as many ordinary citizens, that the best hope for the future of America is for us to actually try to become what we say we are … And it also seems to me that it is undeniable that African Americans, other minorities, and women have economic, educational, and social opportunities available today which are unprecedented in American history. Does this mean that our country has overcome all of its problems? Of course not! The legacy of hundreds of years of slavery, abuse, and neglect created a scale of human misery and dysfunctionality which cannot be reversed in just twenty-five or thirty years. But do I feel that America is trying to become a better society, and that African Americans are welcome and can achieve a respected place in that society? Absolutely yes!
So from my perspective, I have not had to sacrifice my ideals in order to succeed. I always wanted to be part of America. But for most of American history, America wanted no part of me. That is the great change which has occurred in the past thirty years.
Now, let me move to the third question I promised to address: Do I think that America has become the kind of society that I and my 1960s compatriots wanted? So far, the “sixties generation” track record is that we’re better at disrupting and dismantling than we are at creating and building. Let me cite a few examples.
We attacked rigid social standards and stereotypes regarding hair length, clothing, and social mores such as sexual abstinence before marriage. “Do your own thing” became the theme of the sixties. But while we rightly wanted freedom for personal lifestyle choices, did the “Me Generation” really intend to abdicate responsibility for defining and teaching basic moral standards of right and wrong essential for both the individual and society? When and how will my generation shoulder our responsibility to teach the eternal, enduring significance of values that celebrate personal responsibility, personal discipline, personal accountability, hard work, moderation, courage, and cooperativeness?
We attacked the compulsory military draft, and the seeds for an all-volunteer military were sown during the sixties. But while we rightly wanted freedom from military conscription, did we really intend to have the burdens of military service fall predominantly on the shoulders of low-income people who seek economic and educational opportunity in the military? When and how will my generation fulfill our obligation to teach the ideal that every young American is enhanced by service to the greater common good?
Perhaps most unfortunately, a missing element from this legacy of the sixties is what I earlier described as the hope of the sixties—that is, the spirit of self-sacrifice in which we were determined to fight for beliefs and principles greater than ourselves. When and how will my generation fulfill our responsibility to rekindle a sense of self-sacrifice in pursuit of noble ideals such as making America a better country?
As I look around the university today I wonder when students will realize that today’s fight—the fight of the nineties, the fight which would engage me if I were a student today—is to build a society which respects and celebrates diversity while also affirming a greater sense of community, and transcends our diversity to unite us as one American people despite our various colors and cultures and creeds. All around the world this is the fight of the nineties. Call it Yugoslavia. Call it South Africa. Call it the Holy Land. Call it America. People all around the world are retreating into their racial and cultural enclaves. It is a virulent disease …
You, the students of the nineties, should rekindle the hope of the sixties. Shoulder your responsibility to fight this fight of the nineties. Strive to create a university community that provides leadership to our country and inspires hope and optimism. Struggle to create an America that is a beacon of hope to Yugoslavia, South Africa, and the Holy Land. Show the world that “E Pluribus Unum” is possible: out of many, we can build one community. Thank you.
Vestiges of a debate between me and some of the other students involved in the takeover lived on. On the thirtieth anniversary of the Straight take-over, the April 21, 1999, Cornell Daily Sun published an opinion column by Anthony Zuba, Class of 1999, which captured the essential elements of my alienation from the “blacker than thou” dynamics on the Cornell campus. The column, which was titled “A Straight Comparison,” proceeded to compare my life and career to Ed Whitfield’s, and also to compare current Cornell students’ reception of us:
Tom Jones ’69 and Ed Whitfield ’71 are humble men, but differently so. Two weeks ago, Jones showed himself to be humble in the memory of the late James Perkins as he gave the fifth Perkins Prize for Interracial Understanding and Harmony. Famously remorseful for the way he and fellow members of the Afro American society intimidated Perkins during the Straight Takeover, he elevated the former University president to the status of martyr: “In our mutual anger, metaphorically, we killed the good shepherd … [I]t is the story of the New Testament. It is why it is written that “the anger of man does not work the will of God.”
[…]
On Monday, during his keynote speech for the 30th anniversary of the Straight Takeover, Whitfield didn’t deify anyone, but he professed humility in the presence of the activist students and educators on campus today. In a speech equally cadenced and articulate as Jones’s, he also remembered the departed, but he paid homage to Robert Rone, John Garner ’70 and Larry Dickson ’70. Rone and Dickson were members of the radical faction of AAS; Garner was the leader of the black consciousness movement at Cornell. Whitfield did not praise Perkins or how far Cornell has come since the Straight.
During the 30 years since the Takeover, it has been customary to compare Jones and Whitfield like this … Their philosophical parting of ways since the Straight has been remarkable. Since 1969, Jones, now a corporate executive, has regarded his behavior during the Takeover as an aberration necessitated by the times, and has tried to accentuate the progress America has made … Jones clearly does not live in the same America as Whitfield, who, 30 years after fighting with Jones for a black studies program at Cornell, still crusades to secure an educational experience relevant to the lives of minorities. A community organizer in North Carolina, Whitfield said Monday that poor youth in rural and urban regions require effective educational institutions in order to “survive, transcend, transform, and transfer out” of their situation.
Jones talks about progress. Whitfield talks about survival. The disparity fascinates me. I wish Cornell could have brought the two together on the Straight Takeover anniversary so the community could learn why they disagree about the state of society. As time passes, I’m less optimistic such a meeting will ever occur … Both men have nearly become abstractions to each other and to the public. Introducing Whitfield Monday, graduate student Leslie Alexander said he is all too often portrayed as an icon; she encouraged people to get to know him as a person. But I doubt student activists are willing to do the same for Jones. They have chosen to caricature the contemporary man for renouncing his radical activities, branding him “Uncle Tom Jones” in 1997 during a protest of the Perkins Prize.
If such a “Jones-Whitfield debate” were ever to occur, I would say that I have no criticisms of the way that Ed Whitfield has lived his life, and I hope his community service endeavors have been successful. I would also say that Ed should acknowledge to the Cornell black community that I’m the person who stayed at Cornell in 1969 to ensure that the Africana Studies & Research Center actually materialized in the aftermath of the Straight, while Whitfield and a group of like-minded thinkers left Cornell that spring and summer and never returned. I would ask Ed to acknowledge to the Cornell black community that Africana probably wouldn’t exist if it weren’t for the work I did to get it approved, funded, and implemented. I would also say that I have drawers full of letters from people whose lives I have touched over the years in the companies in which I’ve worked, thanking me for promotions and compensation increases and for helping to create corporate environments conducive to their success. Many of those letters are from black men and women who are grateful for being better able to provide for their families. And I would say that I’m also appreciative of the letters I’ve received from whites I’ve worked with in corporate America thanking me for opportunities afforded to them, and thanking me for helping to renew their faith in America and the prospects for racial progress. I’m also proud of the letters and recognition I’ve received from the faculty and staffat St. Aloysius School thanking me for providing funding and technology resources which have had enormous impact on the education of hundreds of low-income black children in central Harlem.
I respect the life choices Ed Whitfield has made, and I hope that he and those who emulate him will someday learn also to respect the life choices that I and others like me have made. We both should be judged by the same standard, which is that success means that those whose lives have intersected with ours have been made better because we have lived and because they have known us. Finally, I would say to Ed that the day I will respect him most is the day when he publicly apologizes for calling me a “sellout,” rebukes the Cornell black students who disparaged me by calling me “Uncle Tom Jones,” and repudiates this type of name-calling in the black community.
When President Perkins died in 1998, I attended his memorial service in Princeton, New Jersey, and spoke at the invitation of his family. I was thankful that I had reached out to President Perkins while he was alive and that the Perkins Prize was a source of comfort to his family.
Seventeen years later Professor Walter Berns died, and his obituary, written by Sam Roberts, was in the New York Times on January 14, 2015. It read in part as follows:
Walter Berns, a distinguished constitutional scholar and government professor whose disgust with Cornell University’s response to the armed takeover of a campus building by black students propelled him to become a leading voice of the neoconservative movement, died on Saturday…. It was not for nothing that Cornell was widely known as the Big Red during the 1960s, when passions over civil rights and the war in Vietnam provoked convulsive student radicalism. But the backlash to those campus revolutionaries also sparked the ascension of neoconservative intellectuals whose ideology has shaped the nation’s political agenda for decades…. His embittered departure from Cornell in 1969 inspired a growing cadre of disaffected progressives and lapsed conservatives who blamed permissive liberalism for many social ills.
After the Cornell protest, one demonstrator, Thomas Jones, sent Professor Berns an apology, but he never responded, according to an account by Donald A. Downs, a professor at the University of Wisconsin. Mr. Jones acknowledged the other day, though, that years later, after he became the president of TIAA-CREF, … he received a sardonic congratulatory note from his former professor. “First you wanted to kill me,” the note from Professor Berns said. “Now you want to take care of me in my retirement.”
In July 2014 I received an email from Cornell president David Skorton inviting me to participate in Cornell’s 150th anniversary celebration, a year of events taking place worldwide.
Needless to say, I was pleased and proud to be invited to participate in this historic commemoration and committed immediately to participating in the first event, to be held in New York City. I drafted a script and shared it with Doug Bernstein, the freelance producer hired by Cornell to stage the event. Doug suggested judicious edits to sharpen the message and fit my allotted two-minute time slot. He also explained that during a portion of the program devoted to “community and tradition,” I would be onstage with two professors discussing their research as examples of Cornell’s impact on the broader world.
My final script read:
I am Tom Jones. Cornell’s aspirational ideals of community and tradition were “radical ideas” in 1865—especially the notion that both men and women, and people of all races, should be able to pursue any field of study.
While the first Cornell class of 332 in 1868 was 100 percent white and male, the following year saw the first student of African heritage—and one year later the first woman. The founder’s vision was off to a good start!
And yet … nearly a century later, when President James Perkins took office in 1963, Cornell had only four black students in an entering freshman class of 2,300.
What’s more, Cornell’s “community and tradition” included a long history of patronizing female students, ignoring fraternity restrictions against Jewish students, and allowing insensitivity toward Hispanics, American Indians, and LGBT students.
When I participated in the April 1969 takeover of Willard Straight Hall—a painful chapter sparked by issues surrounding academic and social accommodations for black students—it was clear that many in the Cornell community were ready to insist on new traditions.
Or perhaps it’s better to say: we were ready to insist that Cornell return to its own original aspirational ideals.
In the years that followed, this pursuit delivered real results. And Cornell has grown stronger through the crucibles it faced.
Today, 51 percent of Cornell’s undergraduates are female—and the class of 2017 is 16 percent Asian, 12 percent Hispanic, 7 percent African American, and 11 percent international.
Are all of Cornell’s aspirations realized? Surely not. But the university’s diversity initiatives demonstrate a commitment to students of every background.
As I spoke these words, names of these majors and centers scrolled on the large screen behind me:
- Africana Studies & Research Center
- American Indian Program
- Asian & Asian American Studies
- Center for Intercultural Dialogue
- Jewish Studies Program
- Latino Studies Program
- Feminist, Gender & Sexuality Studies Program
- Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender Resource Center
- Muslim Cultural Center
- Program Houses:
- Akwe:kon
- Ecology House
- International Living Center
- Just About Music
- Language House
- Latino Living Center
- Multicultural Living Learning Unit
- Risley Residential College
- Ujamaa Residential College
I salute and applaud Cornell’s progress in moving ever closer to achieving the aspirational ideals of its founders.
The work continues—for students, faculty, administrators, and alumni—and that tradition is truly what makes our community strong.
My remarks were warmly received at both of the sesquicentennial programs held in New York City. Cornell was pleased with the audience feedback in the follow-up online survey and invited me to participate in as many of the upcoming presentations in other cities as I was willing to do. I agreed to speak at the next one, in Washington, D.C., in November 2014, and again received strong audience response. This success encouraged me to do all of the scheduled Cornell sesquicentennial events, except for the one in Hong Kong, so I eventually participated in presentations in Boston, Palm Beach, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and London. I did this because I thought it was important for the takeaway message from Straight Takeover/Guns at Cornell to be recorded in Cornell history as a message of racial reconciliation and community healing. Straight Takeover/Guns at Cornell is just one chapter in Cornell’s continuing progress toward achieving its unique promise to be both an elite and an inclusive institution of higher learning.
April 2015 found me at Cornell again, for the Charter Day celebration that was the culmination of the sesquicentennial year. I sat for an hour on a sunny Saturday afternoon in the new Sesquicentennial Grove at the top of Libe Slope, directly behind the statue of Ezra Cornell. It is a beautiful spot, where winding gray walking paths bisect the green slope and below the paths are the residential halls and the Cayuga Lake glacial valley, dotted with faraway houses, everything spread out before you as if you were a bird in the sky. It is a spot where I must have sat fifty years earlier, maybe with Skip or Charles or Nigel’s mother, when we were students. As I took in the view, I reflected on my long association with Cornell, dating from my freshman matriculation in September 1965 and making up one-third of Cornell’s history.
The Sesquicentennial Grove is marked by benches, a path, plaques, and a timeline. I was impressed with the timeline’s portrayal of Cornell’s unique history as “the first truly American university,” especially by the university’s inclusion from the start of women and people of color, which was not the norm at other American universities at the time. This theme of inclusion is reflected in the stone carvings of Cornell founder Ezra Cornell’s famous words “I would found an institution where any person can find instruction in any study” and in the stone carvings of Cornell’s first president, Andrew Dickson White’s, well-known description of Cornell as “a place where the most highly prized instruction may be afforded to all—regardless of sex or color.”
The theme of inclusiveness is also reflected in the grove’s stone carving of Cornell’s historical timeline, which includes these two entries:
- 1964—President James Perkins creates a Committee on Special Education Projects (COSEP) to attract minority students to Cornell.
- 1969—During the decade of the civil rights struggle, over a hundred African-American students seize and occupy Willard Straight Hall for 33 hours, leading to the resignation of President James Perkins.
I mused to myself that it would have been even better if the timeline memorial designers had included the student demands during the takeover, the reason behind the action: the desire for a curriculum that included our own real part in history. I also thought it would have been a nice touch if they’d included one additional inscription:
- 1906—Alpha Phi Alpha, America’s first black intercollegiate Greek letter fraternity, founded at Cornell.
As I sat at the edge of the grove, many other visitors paused to read the inscriptions and remark on the history. “I’ve heard about that takeover,” I overheard one woman say to her companion, who in turn replied, “I didn’t know all this Cornell history. This is great.”
Figure 21 / Tom, Rosa Rhodes, Frank Rhodes, and Addie (left to right) at the Frank H. T. Rhodes Exemplary Alumni Service Award ceremony, September 2017 (Cornell Alumni Affairs photograph by Chris Kitchen for Cornell Brand Communications).
My Cornell story was capped in 2017, when I was honored with two extraordinary awards, the Frank H. T. Rhodes Exemplary Alumni Service Award, which is given out to just a handful of alumni each year who are celebrated together at a tribute dinner, and then I was named a presidential councillor by the board of trustees, the university’s very highest honor. News of both these distinctions came to me by way of letters from Cornell’s new president, Martha Pollack. Because I had expected neither award, I was at once surprised, humbled, and grateful to have my service and financial support for my alma mater recognized in this way.
In September 2016, Addie and I attended the dedication ceremony for the opening of the new National Museum of African American History and Culture (NMAAHC) in Washington, D.C., which is part of the Smithsonian Institution. It will probably be the final addition to the National Mall. It is an extraordinary structure whose shape echoes a Yoruban crown, and the color varies in response to each day’s unique light and color. The architecture is elegant and striking, and brings a new dimension to the National Mall by presenting a unique and powerful visual statement: this building is about a people whose story belongs to the American national story, and yet it’s also about a people whose story is also decidedly different.
I came away from the dedication with newfound respect and appreciation for President George W. Bush and his wife, Laura. In 2003 President Bush signed the legislation establishing the museum, and Laura Bush has been an active member of the museum’s advisory council. In his remarks at the dedication ceremony, President Bush said that NMAAHC is important for three reasons: (1) It speaks to America’s commitment to truth; (2) it speaks to America’s capacity for change; and (3) it showcases African American talent and greatness.
Bush’s remarks caused me to reflect that NMAAHC answers the question posed by historian Nancy Isenberg: “Can we handle the truth?” I think NMAAHC answers, “Yes, we can.” And our capacity for truth and our capacity for change have enabled us to become a better country, and will continue to do so far into the future. This is what is most exceptional about America, and the museum tells that truth to the entire world.
During much of the dedication ceremony I was overcome with profound gratitude. Tears of joy ran down my face—joy at being alive and present in person to participate in this extraordinary historic event. Congressman John Lewis spoke of how the museum means that “as long as there is America, the African American story will be told on the National Mall, and tell American history through an African American lens, … and describe the African American tributary which flows into the great river which is America.”
President Barack Obama said, “This museum represents how we remake ourselves in accord with our highest ideals … and this commitment to truth is where real patriotism lies.” I agreed with the sentiments expressed by Smithsonian secretary David Skorton, former president of Cornell University, who said that most of us are blessed with only a limited number of extraordinarily memorable days in our lifetime, and that the dedication and opening of NMAAHC was one of those days in his life.
The dedication ceremony concluded with the assembled thousands singing “Lift Ev’ry Voice and Sing,” also known as the black national anthem. Written by James Weldon Johnson as a poem in 1899 and set to music by his brother, the lyrics fit this occasion so perfectly that it could have been written specifically for this NMAAHC dedication and celebration of the African American journey in America.
Lift ev’ry voice and sing,
Till earth and heaven ring.
Ring with the harmonies of Liberty;
Let our rejoicing rise,
High as the list’ning skies,
Let it resound loud as the rolling sea.
Sing a song full of the faith that the dark
past has taught us,
Sing a song full of the hope that the
present has brought us;
Facing the rising sun of our new day begun,
Let us march on till victory is won.
Stony the road we trod,
Bitter the chast’ning rod,
Felt in the days when hope unborn had died;
Yet with a steady beat,
Have not our weary feat,
Come to the place for which our fathers sighed?
We have come over a way that with tears
has been watered,
We have come, treading our path
through the blood of the slaughtered.
Out from the gloomy past,
Here now we stand at last
Where the wh ite gleam of our bright star is cast.
God of our weary years,
God of our silent tears,
Thou who hast brought us thus far on the way;
Thou who has by Thy might,
Led us into the light,
Keep us forever in the path, we pray.
Lest our feet stray from the places, our God,
where we met Thee;
Lest our hearts, drunk with the wine of the world,
we forget Thee,
Shadowed beneath Thy hand,
May we forever stand,
True to our God,
True to our native land.
The choir wore formal black evening attire and entered the church in a measured procession one by one, each person carrying a lit candle that shone in the dimmed sanctuary. I studied their faces as they walked past my pew, and I could see pride to be part of the event, and I also saw in their faces the strength of people whose lives have not been easy but who have endured and overcome. Addie and I sat shoulder to shoulder in a crowded pew. It was a few days before Christmas 2016 at the Grace Baptist Church in Mount Vernon, New York. The choir was accompanied by an orchestra numbering about forty instrumentalists.
As they sang their repertoire of seasonal and gospel songs, I saw their faces become radiant with joy. These are descendants of slaves, I thought, like us. Their families have known hard times, and even now many probably have difficult struggles to make ends meet. But look at how they’ve taken their struggles and converted them, through internal spiritual strength, into the beauty and nobility reflected in their faces and in their dignified and worthy lives. Listen to the majesty they attain together as a choir in this extraordinary worship service of music. Their internal spiritual strength, I realized, is like the pressure of the earth that converts coal into diamonds.
I wish that the entire black community in Mount Vernon, especially the black men, could open their eyes and see how their neighbors have been transformed through faith, and say, “I want to be like them.” And I wish that all of America could see this Grace Baptist Church Christmas concert and these radiant people, and understand and be proud that America is a beautiful mosaic, assembled from a long history of racial oppression and social injustice, a substance still in the process of becoming a diamond. This is America today, and all Americans should be proud of how far our country has come. We all should be inspired and reassured in our hearts that we can walk into the future together—many races, many religions, many nationalities, many ethnicities—confident that America will continue to become a better country with each successive generation.