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BOUND BY BONDAGE: NOTES

BOUND BY BONDAGE
NOTES

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Notes

table of contents
  1. Cover
  2. Title
  3. Dedication
  4. Contents
  5. Acknowledgments
  6. Introduction: Manhunt
  7. 1. Neger: Race, Slavery, and Status in the Dutch Northeast (1640s–60s)
  8. 2. Kolonist: Slaveholding and the Survival of Expansive Anglo-Dutch Elite Networks (1650s–90s)
  9. 3. Naam: Race, Family, and Connection on the Borderlands (1680s–90s)
  10. 4. Bond: Forging an Anglo-Dutch Slaveholding Northeast (1690s–1710s)
  11. 5. Family: Kinship, Ambition, and Fear in a Time of Rebellions (1710s–20s)
  12. 6. Market: Creating Kinship-Based Empires United by Slaveholding (1730s–50s)
  13. 7. Identity: Navigating Racial Expectations to Escape Slavery (1750s–60s)
  14. Conclusion: Gentry
  15. Appendices
  16. Abbreviations
  17. Notes
  18. Bibliography
  19. Index
  20. Series Page
  21. Copyright

NOTES

Introduction: Manhunt

1. Across the Atlantic World, the family has been used as a way of reimagining the bounds of slave networks. Jane E. Mangan, Transatlantic Obligations: Creating the Bonds of Family in Conquest-Era Peru (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016); Gloria Whiting, “Power, Patriarchy, and Provision: African Families Negotiate Gender and Slavery,” Journal of American History 103, no. 3 (2016): 583–605, https://doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaw325; Gretchen Holbrook Gerzina, Mr. and Mrs. Prince: How an Extraordinary Eighteenth-Century Family Moved Out of Slavery and into Legend (New York: Amistad, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers, 2008); Elise Lemire, Black Walden: Slavery and its Aftermath in Concord, Massachusetts (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009); Randy J. Sparks, The Two Princes of Calabar: An Eighteenth-Century Atlantic Odyssey (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004); Lisa A. Lindsay, Atlantic Bonds: A Nineteenth-Century Odyssey from America to Africa (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2017). For the connection of enslaved networks to Black genealogy, see Saidiya Hartman, Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007).

2. The citation includes the detail that it was on manuscript page 48. Since this transcription in the late nineteenth century, the original has been burned. “A Warrant for Mr. Stuyvesants 4 Negroe Servant’s lost,” 6 October 1664, j.d., in New York State Library Annual Report (Albany: University of the State of New York, 1899), 81: 117; Graham Russell Hodges and Alan Edward Brown, eds., “Pretends to Be Free”: Runaway Slave Advertisements from Colonial and Revolutionary New York and New Jersey (New York: Garland, 1994), 324. For a discussion of the document’s destruction, see Peter Christoph, “Books from Ashes: A Project of Recreating Lost Documents,” De Halve Maen: Quarterly Magazine of the Dutch Colonial Period in America, 56, no. 2 (fall 1981): 17–18.

3. “A warrant for Mr. Stuyvesants 4 Negro servants lost,” 6 October 1664, in New York State Library Annual Report 81: 117.

4. James Lydon asserted that slave trading was a minimal feature of New York’s economy before 1748, and James Rawley and Stephen Behrendt argued that “Van Cortlandt’s slaving ventures were a minor part of his commercial activities, just as were his occasional sales of a slave in New York or in the coasting trade.” James G. Lydon, “New York and the Slave Trade, 1700–1774,” WMQ 35, no. 2 (April 1978): 384, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1921840; James A. Rawley and Stephen D. Behrendt, The Transatlantic Slave Trade, A History, rev. ed. (1981; reprint Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 339. For works that challenge the contention that slavery was a minor part of Northeastern life, see Wendy Warren, New England Bound: Slavery and Colonization in Early America (New York: Liveright/W. W. Norton, 2016); Margaret Ellen Newell, Brethren by Nature: New England Indians, Colonists, and the Origins of American Slavery (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015); John Wood Sweet, Bodies Politic: Negotiating Race in the American North, 1730–1830 (2003; reprint Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Craig Steven Wilder, Ebony and Ivy: Race, Slavery, and the Troubled History of America’s Universities (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2013).

5. Julia Adams argued convincingly that the family, not the state, was the driver of Dutch continental politics, linking patrimonial families to the rise of Dutch influence in the “Golden Age” and also crediting them with its downfall. For the sake of familial prestige, according to Adams, Dutch ruling families sabotaged the success of the West India Company and accelerated the state’s decline. Julia Adams, The Familial State: Ruling Families and Merchant Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (2005; reprint Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007). Such a focus on colonial elite families has proved particularly useful in reconstructing the lives of both enslaver and enslaved in many early colonial contexts. See Jennifer L. Palmer, Intimate Bonds: Family and Slavery in the French Atlantic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016); Daniel Livesay, Children of Uncertain Fortune: Mixed-Race Jamaicans in Britain and the Atlantic Family, 1733–1833 (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2018); Allegra di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake: A Family Saga in Colonial New England (New York: Liveright/W. W. Norton, 2013); Annette Gordon-Reed, The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family (New York: W. W. Norton, 2008); Catherine Kerrison, Jefferson’s Daughters: Three Sisters, White and Black in a Young America (New York: Ballantine Books, 2018).

6. Jaap Jacobs, New Netherland: A Dutch Colony in Seventeenth-Century America, The Atlantic World: Europe, Africa and the Americans, 1500–1830, vol. 3 (1999; reprint Leiden: Brill, 2005), 381. For lower estimates, see Patricia Bonomi, “‘Swarm of Negroes Comeing about My Door’: Black Christianity in Early Dutch and English North America,” Journal of American History, vol. 103, no. 1 (June 2016), 40–41, https://doi-org.proxy.library.cornell.edu/10.1093/jahist/jaw007. Joyce D. Goodfriend, Before the Melting Pot: Society and Culture in Colonial New York City, 1664–1730 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 61. For a recently updated estimate of the population, see Michael J. Douma, “Estimating the Size of the Dutch-Speaking Slave Population of New York in the 18th Century,” Journal of Early American History (forthcoming).

7. TAVoyages. Calculated as the total of all enslaved people imported on ships between 1601 and 1664 as a proxy for total population.

8. Andrew Lipman, The Saltwater Frontier: Indians and the Contest for the American Coast (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015), 96–97.

9. The yacht Bruynvisch departed from Texel on January 13 for the Caribbean. It met up with other Dutch yachts, from the chamber Zeeland, which had taken a Portuguese ship coming from São Tomé with 225 enslaved people. As the prize ship was quite leaky and the crew couldn’t handle a number that size, they took twenty-two enslaved people on board, and let the ship go with the remainder. The Zee-land yachts and the Bruynvisch met up near Hispaniola in June 1627. It is very likely, though not specified by De Laet, that a number of the enslaved from the Portuguese ship were transferred to the Bruynvisch. The Bruynvisch sailed along the Florida coast to New Netherland, anchoring there on August 20. It left the Noordt Rivier at the end of September and arrived at Texel on October 25. Jaap Jacobs, email message to author, 27 May 2021, based on Johannes De Laet, Iaerlyck verhael van de verrichtinghen der Geoctroyeerde West-Indische Compagnie in derthien boecken (Den Hague, NL: Martinus Nijhoff, 1937), https://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?urn=KONB10:000019207:00015), 114–19.

10. Jean R. Soderlund, Lenape Country: Delaware Valley Society Before William Penn (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), 112.

11. New York has had more studies devoted to slavery than other regions of the Northeast. Shane White, Somewhat More Independent: The End of Slavery in New York City, 1770–1810 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1991); Craig Steven Wilder, A Covenant with Color: Race and Social Power in Brooklyn 1636–1990 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000); Wilder; In the Company of Black Men: The African Influence on African American Culture in New York City (New York: New York University Press, 2001); Leslie M. Harris, In the Shadow of Slavery: African Americans in New York City, 1626–1863 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2003); Vivienne Kruger, “Born to Run: The Slave Family in Early New York, 1626–1827” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1985); Jill Lepore, New York Burning: Liberty, Slavery and Conspiracy in Eighteenth-Century Manhattan (2005; reprint New York: Vintage Books, 2006); David N. Gellman, Emancipating New York: The Politics of Slavery and Freedom, 1777–1827 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006); Margaret Washington, Sojourner Truth’s America (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2009); Thelma Wills Foote, Black and White Manhattan: The History of Racial Formation in Colonial New York City (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004); Jeroen Dewulf, “Emulating a Portuguese Model: The Slave Policy of the West India Company and the Dutch Reformed Church in Dutch Brazil (1630–1654) and New Netherland (1614–1664) in Comparative Perspective,” Journal of Early American History 4 (2014): 3–36; Dewulf, The Pinkster King and the King of Kongo: The Forgotten History of America’s Dutch-Owned Slaves (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2017); Oscar Williams, “Slavery in Albany, New York, 1624–1827,” Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 34, no. 2 (July 2010): 154–68. For New York merchant families’ connection to slavery, see Wilder, Ebony and Ivy ; Sean D. Moore, Slavery and the Making of Early American Libraries: British Literature, Political Thought, and the Transatlantic Book Trade, 1731–1814 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019); Paul J. Polgar, Standard-Bearers of Equality: America’s First Abolition Movement (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina Press, 2019); Andrea Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement: A History of Slavery and Resistance in Dutch New York (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2021). For slavery in the Hudson Valley, see A. J. Williams-Myers, Long Hammering: Essays on the Forging of an African American Presence in the Hudson River Valley to the Early Twentieth Century (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1994); Michael E. Groth, Slavery and Freedom in the Mid-Hudson Valley (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2017).

12. Such an approach marked most of the early work devoted to slavery in New Netherland, due to an emphasis differences in slavery’s formal legal structure between the Dutch and English eras. Edgar J. McManus, A History of Negro Slavery in New York (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1966), 1–22; Morton Wagman, “Corporate Slavery in New Netherland,” Journal of Negro History 65, no. 1 (winter 1980): 40, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3031546; Peter R. Christoph, “The Freedmen of New Amsterdam,” in A Beautiful and Fruitful Place, 1:157. For a tempering of the view of the exceptionalism of New Netherland’s slavery, see Goodfriend, “Burghers and Blacks,” 125–44; Jaap Jacobs, New Netherland, 173–74, 173n80; Susanah Shaw Romney, New Netherland Connections: Intimate Networks and Atlantic Ties in Seventeenth-Century America (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 191–93. For a refutation of this view using spatial analysis see Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement, introduction.

13. Eliga H. Gould, “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” American Historical Review 112, no. 3 (June 2007): 764–86, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40006670; Wim Klooster, The Dutch Moment, War, Trade and Settlement in the Seventeenth-Century Atlantic World (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016); Wim Klooster and Gert Oostindie, Realm between Empires: The Second Dutch Atlantic, 1680–1815 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2018.

14. For the broader interpenetration of the English and Scottish worlds into Dutch and Dutch Atlantic communities, see Keith L. Sprunger, Dutch Puritanism: A History of English and Scottish Churches of the Netherlands in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Leiden: Brill, 1983); Alexander Murdoch, Scotland and America, c.1600–c.1800 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); T. M. Devine, ed., Recovering Scotland’s Slavery Past: the Caribbean Connection (Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press, 2015).

15. For Anglo-Dutch European networks and their influence, see Lisa Jardine, Going Dutch: How England Plundered Holland’s Glory (New York: Harper, 2008); and Steve Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009).

16. Diverse networks of Dutch intercolonial connections shape the work of Christian Koot, Linda Rupert, Mark Meuwese, and Susanah Shaw Romney. For the importance of Anglo-Dutch trade see Christian J. Koot, Empire at the Periphery: British Colonists, Anglo-Dutch Trade, and the Development of the British Atlantic, 1621–1713 (New York: New York University Press, 2011). For intercultural trade alliances between Dutch and Native peoples, see Meuwese, Brothers in Arms, Partners in Trade: Dutch-Indigenous Alliances in the Atlantic World, 1595–1674 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2011). For the creation of a vibrant Atlantic trading culture see Linda Rupert, Creolization and Contraband: Curaçao in the Early Modern Atlantic World (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2012). For an expansive early modern trading world linked by “intimate networks,” see Romney, New Netherland Connections.

17. Bernard Bailyn’s prolific work on the burgeoning seventeenth- and eighteenth-century merchant culture of colonial New England set the tenor for a field of studies focused on the importance of merchant families to the settlement and rise of the Northeast. The fortunes of New York merchant families have long dominated the historiography of the region. Their lives and fortunes have produced works examining the economic, social, political, and cultural histories of the region and are so ubiquitous that their dominance in the field has only recently been challenged by historians. Bernard Bailyn, The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1955); Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of American on the Eve of the Revolution (1986; reprint New York: Vintage Books, 1988); and The Peopling of British North America: The Barbarous Years, The Conflict of Civilizations, 1600–1675 (2012; reprint New York: Vintage Books, 2013). For more on the wider field devoted New England’s merchant culture, see Marsha L. Hamilton, Social and Economic Networks in Early Massachusetts: Atlantic Connections (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009); for more on colonial New York’s merchant culture, see Michael G. Kammen, Colonial New York: A History (1975; reprint Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996); Cynthia A. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk: The Livingston of New York, 1675–1790 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992); Cathy D. Matson, Merchants & Empire: Trading in Colonial New York (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998); Thomas M. Truxes, Defying Empire: Trading with the Enemy in Colonial New York (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008).

18. For more on slavery and maritime culture, see Jeffrey Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997); Charles Foy, “Ports of Slavery, Ports of Freedom: How Slaves Used Northern Seaports’ Maritime Industry to Escape and Create Trans-Atlantic Identities, 1713–1783” (PhD diss., Rutgers, 2008),” 36; Maria Vann, “Sirens of the Sea: Female Slave Ship Owners of the Atlantic World, 1650–1870,” Coriolis: the Interdisciplinary Journal of Maritime Studies 5, no. 1 (winter 2015): 22–33; Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2000); Marcus Rediker, Villains of All Nations: Atlantic Pirates in the Golden Age (Boston: Beacon Press, 2004); Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York: Viking Penguin Group, 2008); Kevin P. McDonald, Pirates, Merchants, Settlers, and Slaves (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2015); Kevin Dawson, Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018).

19. Massachusetts Body of Liberties, 1641, in DIHSTA 3: 4; Wendy Warren, New England Bound; 12–13; Newell, Brethren by Nature, 6; Sweet, Bodies Politic; William D. Piersen, Black Yankees: The Development of an Afro-American Subculture in Eighteenth-Century New England (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1988).

20. For merchant connections to slavery, see Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Providence Island, 1630–1641: The Other Puritan Colony (1993; reprint Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Robert K. Fitts, Inventing New England’s Slave Paradise: Master/Slave Relations in Eighteenth-Century Narragansett, Rhode Island (New York: Garland, 1998); Charles Rappleye, Sons of Providence: The Brown Brothers, the Slave Trade, and the American Revolution (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2006); Cynthia Mestad Johnson, James DeWolf and the Rhode Island Slave Trade (Charleston, SC: History Press, 2014); Christy Clark-Pujara, Dark Work: The Business of Slavery in Rhode Island (New York: New York University Press, 2016). Several scholars have noted that the lack of ready cash due to the glut of sewant on the New Netherland market due to the establishment of a mint in Boston was one of the factors that led to the fall of New Netherland. See Edwin G. Burrows and Mike Wallace, Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898 (1999; reprint New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 47–48; and Lynn Ceci, “The First Fiscal Crisis in New York,” Economic Development and Cultural Change 28, no. 4 (July 1980): 846–47, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1153524.

21. W.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903; reprint New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 7–8; Thomas C. Holt, “Du Bois, W. E. B.,” African American National Biography, Henry Louis Gates Jr. and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, eds. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).

22. For more on the broader impact of Anglo-Dutch rivalries and wars on contests for empire, see Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English North America,” WMQ 54, no. 3 (July 1997): 549–78, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2953839; Koot, “The Merchant, the Map, and Empire: Augustine Herrman’s Chesapeake and Inter-imperial Trade,” 1644–73, WMQ 67, no. 4 (October 2010): 603–44, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5309/willmaryquar.67.4.0603; Christian J. Koot, A Biography of a Map in Motion: Augustine Herrman’s Chesapeake (New York: New York University Press, 2017), 51, 133, chapter 3. See also Donna Merwick, Death of a Notary: Conquest and Change in Colonial New York (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999); Merwick, Stuyvesant Bound: An Essay on Loss Across Time (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013). For studies that foreground Dutch and Anglo-Dutch networks in the Caribbean, South America, and Atlantic Africa, see Rupert, Creolization and Contraband; Klooster, The Dutch Moment; Koot, Empire at the Periphery. Although there are works devoted to the impact of Dutch transplants on Chesapeake trade, and even their influence on religious groups, only Hatfield and Natalie Zemon Davis connect their presence to the emergence of slavery in the regions. April Lee Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia: Intercolonial Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 200 5), 137–68; Natalie Zemon Davis, Women on the Margins: Three Seventeenth-Century Lives (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 170–71. For more on Dutch trade and religious connections in the Chesapeake, see Victor Enthoven and Wim Klooster, “The Rise and Fall of the Virginia-Dutch Connection in the Seventeenth Century,” in Early Modern Virginia: Reconsidering the Old Dominion, eds. Douglas Bradburn and John C. Coombs (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2011), 90–127; Claudia Schnurmann, “Atlantic Trade and American Identities: The Correlations of Supranational Commerce, Political Opposition, and Colonial Regionalism,” in The Atlantic Economy during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Organization, Operation, Practice, and Personnel, ed. Peter A. Coclanis (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2005), 186–204; Bartlett Burleigh James, The Labadist Colony in Maryland (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1899).

23. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 16–19.

24. Vincent Brown, Tacky’s Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2020), 4.

25. Roper argues convincingly for the Connecticut colony’s centrality to New Netherland’s fall. L. H. Roper, “The Fall of New Netherland and Seventeenth-Century Anglo-American Imperial Formation, 1654–1676,” NEQ 87, no. 4 (2014): 666–708. Jaap Jacobs centralizes the importance of linguistic battles in “‘It Has Pleased the Lord that We Must Learn English’: Dutch New York After 1664,” his epilogue to The Colony of New Netherland: A Dutch Settlement in Seventeenth-Century America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009). This is theme that Merwick likewise engages in Death of a Notary. For more on Jacob Leisler, see Adrian Howe, “The Bayard Treason Trial: Dramatizing Anglo-Dutch Politics in Early Eighteenth-Century New York City,” WMQ 47, no. 1 (January 1990): 57–89, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2938041; David William Voorhees, “‘To assert our Right before it be quite lost’: The Leisler Rebellion in the Delaware River Valley,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies, 64, no. 1 Regional Perspectives on Early American History (winter 1997): 5–27, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27773953; Evan Haefeli, “A Scandalous Minister in a Divided Community: Ulster County in Leisler’s Rebellion, 1689–1691,” New York History 88, no. 4 (fall 2007): 357–89, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23185822; Hermann Wellenreuther, ed., Jacob Leisler’s Atlantic World in the Later Seventeenth Century: Essays on Religion, Militia, Trade, and Networks by Jaap Jacobs, Claudia Schurmann, David W. Voorhees and Herman Wellenreuther (Münster, Germany: LIT Verlag, 2009).

26. Robert S. Grumet, The Munsee Indians: A History (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2009); Juliana Barr and Edward Countryman, Contested Spaces of Early America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014); Tom Arne Midtrød, The Memory of All Ancient Customs: Native American Diplomacy in the Colonial Hudson Valley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012); Lipman, The Saltwater Frontier. For Native slavery, see Alan Gallay, The Indian Slave Trade: The Rise of the English Empire in the American South, 1670–1717 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002); Brett Rushforth, Bonds of Alliance: Indigenous and Atlantic Slaveries in New France (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 2012); Katherine Howlett Hayes, Slavery Before Race: Europeans, Africans, and Indians at Long Island’s Sylvester Manor Plantation, 1651–1884 (New York: New York University Press, 2013); Newell, Brethren by Nature. Kim Hall, Kathleen Brown, Jennifer Morgan, and Londa Schiebinger linked the hardening of racial categories to changing understandings of gender. Kim Hall, Things of Darkness: Economies of Race and Gender in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996); Kathleen Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Jennifer L. Morgan, Laboring Women: Reproduction and Gender in New World Slavery (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004); Londa L. Schiebinger, Nature’s Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science (1993; reprint New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004).

27. Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement; Romney, New Netherland Connections, 191–244; Romney, “Reytory Angola, Seventeenth-Century Manhattan (US),” in As If She Were Free: A Collective Biography of Women and Emancipation in the Americas, eds. Erica Ball, Tatiana Seijas, and Terri Snyder (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 58–78; Romney, “Intimate Networks and Children’s Survival in New Netherland in the Seventeenth Century,” Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 2 (fall 2009): 270–79; Mosterman, “Nieuwer-Amstel, stadskolonie aan de Delaware” in De slavernij in Oost en West (Amsterdam: Uitgeverij Het Spectrum, 2020), 164–71; Dennis Maika, “To ‘experiment with a parcel of negros’: Incentive, Collaboration, and Competition in New Amsterdam’s Slave Trade,” in Journal of Early American History 10, no. 1 (2020): 33–69.

28. Carolyn Steedman, Dust: The Archive and Cultural History (2001; reprint New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2002), 68.

29. For more works that centralize the Livingston family’s regional power, see Edwin Brockholst Livingston, The Livingstons of Livingston Manor (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1910); Lawrence H. Leder, Robert Livingston 1654–1728 and the Politics of Colonial New York (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1961); G.M. Waller, Samuel Vetch: Colonial Enterpriser (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 1960). For this theme in studies that highlight the Livingston women, see Linda Biemer, ed., “Business Letters of Alida Schuyler Livingston, 1680–1726,” New York History 63, no. 2 (April 1982): 182–207; Linda Biemer, Women and Property in Colonial New York: The Transition from Dutch to English Law, 1643–1727 (1979; reprint Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1983); Mary Lou Lustig, Privilege and Prerogative: New York’s Provincial Elite, 1710–1776 (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1995); Cynthia A. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk: The Livingston of New York, 1675–1790 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992); Serena R. Zabin, Dangerous Economies: Status and Commerce in Imperial New York (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). For works that examine the Livingstons in other contexts, see Philip Otterness, Becoming German: The 1709 Palatine Migration to New York (2004; reprint Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006); Robert C. Ritchie, Captain Kidd and the War against the Pirates (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986); Jennifer van Horn , The Power of Objects in Eighteenth-Century British America (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 273–76, 302–3; Caroline Frank, Objectifying China, Imagining America: Commodities in Early America (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2011), 97–99, 102, 106–11, 126, 151, 161; Sara S. Gronim, Everyday Nature: Knowledge of the Natural World in Colonial New York (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007). Several studies have highlighted Manor Livingston as a site for bonded and enslaved labor. See Philip Otterness, Becoming German: The 1709 Palatine Migration to New York (2004; reprint Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006); Roberta Singer, “The Livingstons as Slave-holders: The ‘Peculiar Institution’ on Livingston Manor and Clermont,” in The Livingston Legacy: Three Centuries of American History, ed. Richard T. Wiles (Annandale, NY: Bard College Office of Publications, 1987), 67–97; di Bonaventura, For Adams Sake. Wilder, Ebony and Ivy, 48–49, 51–52, 60–61, 64–70, 74–76, 96–97, 104–5, 122, 132, 172–73, 181–82, 204, 228, 263; Philip Misevich, “In Pursuit of Human Cargo: Philip Livingston and the Voyage of the Sloop ‘Rhode Island,’” New York History 86, no. 3 (summer 2005): 184–204, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23185791; Darold D. Wax, “A Philadelphia Surgeon on a Slaving Voyage to Africa, 1749–1751,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 92, no. 4 (Oct 1968): 465–93; https://www.jstor.org/stable/20090230.

30. Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake; Whiting, “Power, Patriarchy, and Provision”; Mary Beth Norton, In the Devil’s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 (New York: Alfred Knopf, 2002); Serena Zabin, The Boston Massacre: A Family History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2020).

31. Graham Russell Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North: African Americans in Monmouth County, New Jersey, 1665–1865 (Madison, WI: Madison House Publishers, 1997); Graham Russell Hodges, Root and Branch: African Americans in New York and East Jersey 1613–1863 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1999); Marisa J. Fuentes and Deborah Gray White, eds., Scarlet and Black: Slavery and Dispossession in Rutgers History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2016); Wilder, Ebony and Ivy; Graham Russell Hodges, Black New Jersey: 1664 to the Present Day (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2019).

32. Goodfriend, Who Should Rule at Home, 2. In “‘The Cause of her Grief’” Wendy Warren offered, “Given such paltry evidence, perhaps only indefinite articles capture the indefinite nature of this narrative.” Wendy Anne Warren, “‘The Cause of Her Grief’: The Rape of a Slave in Early New England,” Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 2007): 1031; 1049, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25094595; Natalie Zemon Davis and John Demos have both filled in such gaps with historical questions and Catherine Kerrison has made educated assumptions about a life lived behind a purposeful veil of passing by creating a tableau using available historical evidence. Such evidence beautifully illuminates the biases of history: that the call for more evidence silences the lives of so many people. Natalie Zemon Davis, The Return of Martin Guerre (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983); John Demos, The Unredeemed Captive: A Family Story from Early America (1994; reprint New York: Vintage Books Edition, 1995); Kerrison, Jefferson’s Daughters.

33. In Alabi’s World examining eighteenth-century Dutch Suriname, Richard Price deploys conditional terminology to illuminate a slaveholding world. Price foregrounds his methodological justification, writing, “Without such attempts at empathy, ethnographic or historic interpretation risks being empty and soulless.” Richard Price, Alabi’s World (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), xvii. Additionally, more recently, Marisa Fuentes constructed Dispossessed Lives, to challenge “the overdetermining power of colonial discourses” by “changing the perspective of a document’s author to that of an enslaved subject, questioning the archives’ veracity and filling out miniscule fragmentary mentions or the absence of evidence with spatial and historical context.” Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives, 4. Saidiya Hartman has written several academic works justifying critical fabulation in scholarly historical study. Hartman, “Venus in Two Acts,” Small Axe 12, no. 2 (June 2008): 1–14, https://muse-jhu-edu.proxy.library.cornell.edu/article/241115/pdf.

34. Romney, New Netherland Connections, xviii; Evert Wendell, “To Do Justice to Him & Myself”: Evert Wendell’s Account Book of the Fur Trade with Indians in Albany, New York, 1695–1726, ed. and trans. Kees-Jan Waterman (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2008); Linda Biemer, ed. “Business Letters of Alida Schuyler Livingston, 1680–1726,” New York History 63, no. 2 (April 1982), 199.

35. The importance of local geographies to the experience of slavery has gained renewed interest alongside the rise of digital humanities. Efforts to explore and map the geographies of slavery have proliferated in an attempt to inhabit a more fully tactile world of colonial slavery. On mapping the enslaved world, see Simon Newman, “Hidden in Plain Sight: Long-Term Escaped Slaves in Late-Eighteenth and Early-Nineteenth Century Jamaica,” WMQ (June 2018), https://blog.oieahc.wm.edu/the-wmq-on-the-oi-reader/; Dienke Hondius, “Mapping Slavery,” https://clue.vu.nl/en/projects/current-projects/mapping-slavery/index.aspx, which maps places important to slavery across the Dutch Empire, including in New York; Billy Smith and Paul Sivits, “Mapping Historic Pennsylvania,” http://www.mappinghistoricphiladelphia.org/; Diana di Zerega Vall and Anne-Marie Cantwell, Touring Gotham’s Archaeological Past: 8 Self-Guided Walking Tours through New York City (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), 29.

36. Antonio T. Bly, Escaping Bondage: A Documentary History of Runaway Slaves in Eighteenth-Century New England, 1700–1789 (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2012). Hodges and Brown, eds., “Pretends to Be Free”; Billy Smith and Richard Wojtowicz, Blacks Who Stole Themselves: Runaway Slaves in the 19th Century Mid-Atlantic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015). Likewise, digital archives that contain runaway slave advertisements have flourished, such as Simon Newman’s database on runaway slaves in the United Kingdom, and Freedom on the Move, Cornell University’s digital database of fugitive slave advertisements.

37. For an alternate view to the centrality of the elite narrative that dominates New York history, see Patricia U. Bonomi, A Factious People: Politics and Society in Colonial New York (1971, reprint Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014); Goodfriend, Before the Melting Pot; Goodfriend, Who Should Rule at Home? Confronting the Elite in British New York City (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017).

38. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, and Weekly Mercury, 13 October 1777, no. 1355, page 3, EAN.

39. United States Census, 1790, database with images, FamilySearch, https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33SQ-GYB6-7LL?cc=1803959&wc=3XT9-92F%3A1584070828%2C1584071633%2C1584071639, New York > New York > New York City Out Ward > image 11 of 12; citing NARA microfilm publication M637 (Washington DC: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.); Will of Gerardus Stuyvesant, 26 Oct 1774, Probate court records, wills and administrations, Ulster County, New York, 1662–1783, Image 67, Family Search, https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QSQ-G99K-R99L-8?i=66&wc=Q7PB-BZQ%3A213302401%2C221314701&cc=1920234. Petrus inherited the entire original bowery when his brother Nicholas William died in 1780.

Chapter 1 Neger

1. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 2 June 1661, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f42_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18522; for another translation, see CJVR, 255. Jeremias was recounting an event that happened six months earlier. Stuyvesant traveled on the yacht of Jacob Jansz Flodder in November 1660. Report of Stuyvesant’s visit to Esopus and Fort Orange, 27 November 1660, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V09_0451, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/53644.

2. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 2 June 1661, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f42_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18522; See also CJVR, 255. I have noted only where my own translation differs in meaning from Van Laer’s translation.

3. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 2 June 1661, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f42_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18522; See also CJVR, 116–17, 255.

4. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 2 June 1661, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f42_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18522. See also CJVR, 116–17, 255.

5. Jan Baptist first mentions purchasing an enslaved man from Trijntjen Rodenborch, referring to her as Rodenborch’s widow (which he spelled Roodenburgh). Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer, 1 September 1657, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b01-f20_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18337; see also CJVR, 59. Rodenborch is the most frequent variant of the family name that appears in the records, although it is alternately spelled, Roodenburgh, Rodenburch, Rodenborh, Rodenborg, Rodenburg, Rodenborgh, and Rodenburgh.

6. Letter form the WIC Directors to Petrus Stuyvesant, 14 June 1656, DCAC, 1646–1664, NYSA_A1810-78_V12_39, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/45224; letter from the WIC Directors to Petrus Stuyvesant, 14 June 1656, Correspondence 1654–1658, 92.

7. Petition of Catrina Roeloffs, widow of Lucas Rodenborch, for permission to raise money on account of the salary due her husband as vice director of Curaçao, 17 April 1657, NYSA_A1809-78_V08_0518a, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/56122; NYHM, https://iarchives.nysed.gov/xtf/view?docId=tei/A1809/NYSA_A1809-78_V08_0518a.xml.

8. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 6 September 1657, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f06_p1_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18467; CJVR, 60–61.

9. Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer, 20 December 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b02-f29_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18386; CJVR, 195–97.

10. Jeremias van Rensselaer to Anna Wyly van Rensselaer, 23 August [September] 1658, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f12_p1_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18478. In CJVR the date is given as 23 September 1658, but the manuscript date listed at the New York State Archives is 23 August. Since the portion of the letter containing the date is burned, I have not been able to determine which is correct. CJVR, 109–10, 110n258.

11. Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer, Amsterdam, 25 April 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b02-f15_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18372; see also CJVR, 152–53; Jaap Jacobs, New Netherland, 118. Johannes, Kiliaen van Rensselaer’s eldest son by his first wife, Hillegond van Bijlaer, was named the first patroon of Rensselaerswijck after his father’s death, but he remained in Holland. Instead, his half-brother Jan Baptist traveled to New Netherland to manage the patroonship.

12. Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 20 February 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b02-f07_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18364. CJVR, 136. Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer, Amsterdam, 25 April 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b02-f15_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18372; see also CJVR, 152–53.

13. When Andries was enslaved to the Van Rensselaers, Jeremias lived in the patroon’s house, which lay inside Beverwijck—an administrative slight intended to assert the colony’s control over the power of the patroonship. Venema, Beverwijck, 206–7.

14. “New Project of Freedoms and Exemptions,” in DRCHNY, 1:99. In the 1629 Charter, article XXX, the company promised to try “to supply the colonists with as many blacks as it possibly can [om aen de Coloniers soo veel Swarten toe te stellen / als haer moghelijck wesen], on the conditions hereafter to be made, [sal / op de ordre daer van te maecken] without however being bound to do so to a greater extent or for a longer time than it shall see fit [sonder nochtans daer in ghehouden of verbonden te zijn].” Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions, 7 June 1629, in VRBM, 152, 161. Jaap Jacobs offers a detailed reading of this document as it related to the establishment of the patroon system. Jacobs, New Netherland, 113–15. See also Venema, Beverwijck, 6. For an exploration of the “Freedoms” as a brainchild of Kiliaen van Rensselaer’s ambitions for settlement, see Janny Venema, Kiliaen van Rensselaer (1586–1643): Designing a New World (Hilversum, NL: Verloren published with financial support of the New Netherland Institute, 2010), 224.

15. For a detailed discussion of the place of these two documents within the broader Dutch colonization project vis-à-vis enslavement, see Dewulf, The Pinkster King, 38, 37n6; See also, Linda M. Heywood and John K. Thornton, Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585–1660 (2007; reprint Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 252, Foote, Black and White Manhattan, 37, Hodges, Root and Branch, 289; Goodfriend, “Burghers and Blacks,” 127, A. Leon Higginbotham Jr., In the Matter of Color: Race and the American Legal Process: The Colonial Period (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 109–10.

16. For a comprehensive overview of the wider Dutch cultural context of New Netherland’s patroonships, see Jaap Jacobs, “Dutch Proprietary Manors in America: The Patroonships in New Netherland,” in The Atlantic World: Europe, Africa and the Americas, 1500–1830, eds. Benjamin Schmidt and Wim Klooster, vol. 11, Constructing Early Modern Empires: Proprietary Ventures in the Atlantic World, 1500–1750 (Leiden, NL: Brill, 2007), 301–26.

17. Evan Haefeli, New Netherland and the Dutch Origins of American Religious Liberty (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 126. For the patroon model in Caribbean and the contrasting example of Brazil, see Klooster, The Dutch Moment, 208. Wim Klooster offers a fascinating exploration of the importance of the “freedoms and exemptions” granted by the WIC to Jewish settlers in the Caribbean, Brazil, and the Wild Coast in the early to mid-seventeenth century as “the culmination of the privileges Jewish settlers had obtained since the first Dutch overseas colonies had been carved out.” Klooster, “The Essequibo Liberties: The Link between Jewish Brazil and Jewish Suriname,” Studia Rosenthaliana 42–43 (210–11): 78, doi: 10.2143/SR.43.0.2175920.

18. Oliver Rink, Holland on the Hudson: An Economic and Social History of Dutch New York (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986), 196; Daniel J. Weeks, Gateways to Empire: Quebec and New Amsterdam to 1664 (Bethlehem, PA: Lehigh University Press, 2019), 243.

19. Such a mixed work regime is evident in Kiliaen’s further instructions: “This being done, your honor can issue an order in my name, that his farm [Notelman] and that of Bijlevelt shall be worked in my interest by a foreman and a boy or a negro and the animals which can be dispensed with may be sent up the river.” Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Wouter van Twiller, 23 April 1634, in VRBM, 276. Thomas E. Burke, Jr., Mohawk Frontier: The Dutch Community of Schenectady, New York, 1661–1710, 2nd ed. (1991; reprint Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009), xx, 139. Jacobs, New Netherland, 79. Jan Folkerts posited that enslaved people were introduced into the workforce as a solution to the high wages demanded by farmworkers in New Netherland, but that their numbers have not been fully accounted for in the documentary record. Folkerts, “Kiliaen van Rensselaer and Agricultural Productivity in His Domain: A New Look at the First Patroon and Rensselaerswijck before 1664,” in A Beautiful and Fruitful Place: Selected Rensselaerswijck Seminar Papers, eds. Nancy Anne McClure Zeller and Charles Gehring (Albany, NY: New Netherland Publishing, 1993), 302–3; See also Heywood and Thornton, Central Africans, 252–53.

20. Venema, Kiliaen van Rensselaer (1568–1643), 276n15; Jacobs, New Netherland, 70, 118.

21. Jacobs, New Netherland, 431, 118. For a description of the lifestyle led by Jeremias in America, see Joanne Reitano, New York State: Peoples, Places, and Priorities, a Concise History with Sources (New York: Routledge, 2016), 16, 16n9.

22. Domine Henricus Selijns to the Classis of Amsterdam, 9 June 1664 Amsterdam Correspondence, Box 1, No. 46. Gardner A. Sage Library, New Brunswick Theological Seminary. The older translation entitled “Two Letters Written by Domine Henricus Selijns during his Ministry in Breuckelen, 1660–1664,” Second letter, New Netherland, 9 June 1664, has been shown by Jaap Jacobs, to be faulty when used to estimate the makeup of the Black population, as it was created out of nineteenth-century racial and social conventions rather than seventeenth-century norms. Jaap Jacobs, “Slavery in Stuyvesant’s World,” St. Mark’s Church in-the-Bowery, 31 January 2021; cf. NYHMRCB, 231. Godefridus Udemans in ‘t Geestelijck Roer van ‘t Coopmans Schip (The Spiritual Rudder of the Merchant Ship) had argued that baptism should not emancipate the enslaved from earthly bondage. Godefridus Udemans, ‘t Geestelijck Roer van ‘t Coopmans Schip (Dordrecht, NL: Francois Boels, 1640), 183. The shift against baptism has been analyzed as a religious struggle waged within the Dutch oversees empire as well as a cultural shift where the Dutch Republic was imagined as a Protestant, free white zone. Danny Noorlander, Heaven’s Wrath: The Protestant Reformation and the Dutch West India Company (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019), chapter 5, footnote 8. Jacobs, New Netherland, 316–17. Dienke Hondius, Blackness in Western Europe: Racial Patterns of Paternalism and Exclusion (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2014), 111–62.

23. Jeremias flipped the paper on its side and wrote the details about the house through his comments about Volckert Jansz, from left to right in the left margin. From the New York State Education Department, Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 4 September 1659, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f19_ncn, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18490; See also CJVR, 177.

24. Venema, Beverwijck, 233.

25. Venema, Kiliaen van Rensselaer (1586–1643),156, 158, 268; Venema, Beverwijck, 45, 220.

26. Venema, Beverwijck, 228.

27. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 20 August 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f17_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18487; See also CJVR, 167.

28. Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement, 26.

29. I have used Van Laer’s translation, which includes words no longer visible due to continuing damage from the 1911 fire, as only the words “your neger Andries” are legible today. For the original see Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 11 May 1659, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f25_p2-f26_p1_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18506; CJVR, 159.

30. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 11 May 1659, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f25_p2-f26_p1_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18506; CJVR, 159. See also Venema, Beverwijck, 222, 222n284.

31. Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer, 25 April 1659, NYSL_sc7079-b02-f15_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18372. The relevant section is midway down the second of four pages of the letter: “Ick ^hebbe hem noodtsaeckelijck op Cralo vand . . . om op mij paerdt te passen, Ick hebben een blauwbont . . . een spaense merrie van 3 jaer op gedaen is vol ws[ ]schrijft hoe mij aenteelinghe van paerden.” “Blauwbont,” translated as roan piebald, is a change from Van Lear’s translation of dappled blue-black. When -bont is added to a horse color, it is an indication that the animal is multicolored—“piebald” in English—but dapples are slight patterns of the same color. The blauw indicates genetically black horses that contain a high mixture of white in the coat, or “blue roan” horses in English—in this case “roan piebald.” Susanah Shaw Romney, email message to author, 13 May 2021; cf. CJVR, 152–53.

32. For Petrus Stuyvesant’s restriction of access to horses on Curaçao, see INSTRUCTIONS given by Petrus Stuyvesant to Matthias Beck, vice-director of Curaçao, 8 June 1655, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_019, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19384; CP, 76 81n75.

33. Karwan, Fatah-Black and Matthias van Rossum, “Slavery in a ‘Slave Free Enclave’: Historical Links Between the Dutch Republic Empire and Slavery, 1580s–1860s,” Werkstatt Geschichte 66–67 (2015): 58–59; Dienke Hondius, “West-European Urban Networks in the History of Slavery and the Slave Trade: New Research Perspectives from the Netherlands,” in Serfdom and Slavery in the European Economy 11th–18th Centuries, ed. Simonetta Cavaciocchi (Florence, Italy: Firenze University Press, 2014), 585. For an excellent treatment in Dutch see Leo Balai, Geschiedenis van de Amsterdamse slavenhandel: over de belangen van Amsterdamse regenten bij de trans-Atlantische slavenhandel (Zutphen, NL: Walburg Pers, 2013).

34. The presence of the enslaved within the Dutch Republic, brought by their enslavers from others parts of the empire, was captured by Dutch painters and writers. For more on this subject, see Mark Ponte, “1656 ‘Twee mooren in een stuck van Rembrandt,’” in Wereldgeschiedenis van Nederland, eds. Karel Davids, Karwan Fatah-Black, Marjolein’t Hart, Leo Lucassen, Jeroen Touwen, and Lex Heerma van Voss (Den Hague, NL: Huygens Instituut Voor Nederlandse Geschiedenis, 2018), 265–69; Ponte, “‘Al de swarten die hier ter stede comen’ Een Afro-Atlantische gemeenschap in zeventiende-eeuws Amsterdam,” TSEG/Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 15, no. 4 (2018): 33–61; Dienke Hondius, “Access to the Netherlands of Enslaved and Free Black Africans: Exploring Legal and Social Historical Practices in the Sixteenth-Nineteenth Centuries,” Slavery and Abolition 32, no. 3 (2011): 377–95, https://doi.org/10.1080/0144039X.2011.588476; Hondius, Blackness in Western Europe; Nicole Saffold Maskiell, “Elite Slave Networks in the Dutch Atlantic,” in Shifting the Compass: Pluricontinental Connections in Dutch Colonial and Postcolonial Literature, eds. Jeroen Dewulf, Olf Praamstra, and Michiel van Kempen (Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013), chap. 10.

35. Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer, Amsterdam, 20 February 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b02-f07_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18364; Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 11 May 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f25_p2-f26_p1_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18506; See also CJVR, 136, 159.

36. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 20 August 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc 7079-b04-f17_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18487; See also CJVR, 167.

37. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 2 June 1661, VRMP, NYSL_sc 7079-b04-f42_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18522; Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer, 20 December 1659, NYSL_sc7079-b02-f29_ncn, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18386; see also CJVR, 167, 196–97.

38. Jaap Jacobs, email message to author, 23 May 2021; Dutch National Archives, 1.01.02, inv.nr. 12564.46; DRCHNY, 2:31.

39. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 20 August 1659, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f17_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18487; See also CJVR, 167.

40. Venema, Beverwijck, 221.

41. Jacobs, New Netherland, 256.

42. Hondius, Blackness in Western Europe, 213–20.

43. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 2 June 1661, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f42_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18522; See also CJVR, 255–56.

44. Venema, Beverwijck, 227.

45. CJVR, 255n568. According to a memorandum, the man was sent down in the summer of 1661 by skipper Symon Janzen de Vries.

46. East Jersey Proprietors to Petrus Stuyvesant, NJEJD, Vol. 1 Part A, Folio 66; Lease of Farm at Wiltwyck, in the Esopus from Petrus and Judith Stuyvesant to Willem Beekman, 1666, UCADR, Book 2, 157-9, https://archives.ulstercountyny.gov.

47. Henricus Selijns, Letter to Amsterdam Classis, 4 October 1660, Amsterdam Correspondence, Box 1, No. 41. Gardner A. Sage Library, New Brunswick Theological Seminary.

48. Rev. Samuel Drisius to the Classis of Amsterdam, 5 August 1664, in ERNY, 1:555.

49. Petition. Juan Gallardo Ferrara, praying for the restoration of his negro slaves, and order thereupon, 6 September 1656, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V08_0166, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55860; Resolution, director and council, on receipt of letters from the States-General, the burgomasters of Amsterdam, and an extract from a memorial of the Spanish ambassador, relative to the case of the aforesaid Juan Gallardo vs. captain Sebastiaen Raeff and his lieutenant, Jan van Campen, 6 September 1656, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V08_0168b, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55862; Resolution, director and council adhering to their previous resolution of September 6, on the claim of Juan Gallardo Ferara for the restitution of certain negroes. 31 October 1656, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V08_0258, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55926. For a translation with the missing list of enslaved people, see “Sundry Papers in relation to the Case of Juan Gallardo and his Negro Slaves,” in DRCHNY, 2:31.

50. Resolution granting a petition presented by the Nine men, 12 February 1652, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0017a, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54639.

51. Freedom Petition of Mayken van Angola, Lucretia Albiecke van Angola and the wife of Peter Tamboer, 28 December 1662, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt1_0296, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55199; translation by Eric Ruijssenaars, https://wams.nyhistory.org/early-encounters/dutch-colonies/fighting-for-freedom-in-new-amsterdam/; Certificate of manumission of Domingo Angola and Maykie, his wife, 17 April 1664, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0170, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55635. Eekhof, A. De Hervormde Kerk in Noord-Amerika (’s-Gravenhage, Netherlands: M. Nijhoff, 1913), 2: 159.

52. Resolution to charter to Frederick Phillipse, late the director’s carpenter, the company’s sloop for a voyage to Virginia, 20 September 1660, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V09_0416, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/53620. Russell Shorto and Len Tantillo, “In Search of Stuyvesant’s Bowery,” New Netherland Matters (spring 2020), 5–9.

53. Henricus Selijns, Letter to Amsterdam Classis, 4 October 1660. Amsterdam Correspondence, Box 1, No. 41. Gardner A. Sage Library, New Brunswick Theological Seminary. Overall shape for the island and the roadways in the settlement of New Amsterdam are based on the Castello Plan of 1660 from The New York Public Library. Location of the House for the Company Blacks was further informed by discussion in Isaac Newton Phelps Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498–1909 (New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1915). Location of Free Negro Lots based on a letter from Petrus Stuyvesant to Secretary Cornelis van Ruyven in 1660. Petrus Stuyvesant to Secretary Van Ruyven, 18 March 1660, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V09_0131, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/53433; DRCHNY, 13:151–52; Lionel Pincus and Princess Firyal Map Division, The New York Public Library, “Redraft of the Castello Plan, New Amsterdam in 1660,” New York Public Library Digital Collections, https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47e4-7369-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99; Stokes, Iconography, 207, 297.

54. For Jeremias van Rensselaer’s early life, see Janny Venema, Kiliaen van Rensselaer (1586–1643), 270. Nicolaes Willem Stuyvesant was baptized on 2 December 1648. Liber A-2, 42. Jeremias van Rensselaer married Maria van Cortlandt (recorded as Marritje Cortlant), 27 April 1662. Liber A-2, 507.

55. Joanne van der Woude and Jaap Jacobs, “Sweet Resoundings: Friendship Poetry by Petrus Stuyvesant and Johan Farret on Curaçao, 1639–45,” WMQ 75, no. 3 (2018), 510, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5309/willmaryquar.75.3.0507.

56. CP, 25.

57. CP, 41.

58. Dutch Colonial Council Minutes, 27 May 1647, NYSA_A1809-78_V04_p287, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/11684. Petrus and Judith were wed in Breda on 13 August 1645. “Netherlands, Noord-Brabant, Church Records, 1473–1965,” Image 302, Family Search, https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QS7-99QX-5FJ1?i=507&cc=2037960, NAN. Jacobs, Petrus Stuyvesant, 43.

59. Jacobs, Petrus Stuyvesant, 27.

60. Instruction for Hendrick van Dijck, Fiscal of the General Incorporated West India Company in New Netherland and adjoining places, in DRCHNY, 1:505.

61. For a concise analysis of the economic impact of the Dutch slave trade, see Karwan Fatah-Black and Matthias van Rossum, “Beyond Profitability: The Dutch Transatlantic Slave Trade and its Economic Impact,” Slavery & Abolition 36, no. 1 (2015), 63–83, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039X.2013.873591. The Bonte Koe, which left the Bight of Biafra (Gabon-Cape Lopez) captained by Mathias Henrique, was the first slave ship recorded in the Slave Trade database to arrive in Curaçao directly from Africa and carried 281 captured human beings aboard. Sixty-six people died on the voyage. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 11362. Linda Rupert posits some origins of Curaçao’s enslaved population can be garnered from the extant names, with surnames such as Van Angola or Creole. Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 61–62, 61n128. Linda Rupert highlights a Sephardic trading diaspora with nodes in Dutch West Africa, Brazil, and Curaçao; Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 47–48, 51–52; 57, 61–62.

62. After Stuyvesant’s decision to repatriate, Lucas Rodenborch was chosen as an interim replacement by a plurality of votes. Resolution drafted the 22 of August 1644 at Fort Amsterdam Curaçao. Resolution, Providing for the government of the island of Curaçao, in consequence of director Stuyvesant being obliged to return home on account of a wound he received at St. Martin, 22 August 1644, NYCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_009d, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19371; Resolution, Appointing Lucas Rodenborche provisional director of Curaçao and dependencies. 22 August 1644, NYCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_010a, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19372; CP, 46–47. For Trijntjen Roelofs’s marriage information see Willem Frijhoff, Fulfilling God’s Mission: The Two Worlds of Dominie Everardus Bogardus, 1607–1647, translated by Myra Heerspink Scholz, vol. 14 in The Atlantic World: Europe, Africa and the Americas, 1500–1830, eds. Benjamin Schmidt and Wim Klooster (Leiden, NL: Brill, 2003–), 599n3; See also Romney, New Netherland Connections, 260. Her daughter Elizabeth was born ca. 1652 on Curaçao, and another daughter Lucretia was born five years later and baptized on July 1, 1657, in New Amsterdam. Liber A-2, 91. For the end of Lucas Rodenborch’s term see CP, 74–81. Elizabeth married Ephraim Herrman, Augustine Herrman’s son, 10 August 1679. Liber A-2, 538.

63. Most servants in the seventeenth-century United Provinces were women. Martha Hollander posits that “the majority of households in the Netherlands included one or two maidservants.” Martha Hollander, Structures of Space and Society in the Seventeenth-Century Dutch Interior (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1990), 53, 53n61. Schama gives an extended examination of the trope of the lascivious Dutch maidservant. Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (1987; reprint New York: Vintage Books, 1997), 158, 316, 438; Romney traces this cultural expectation from the United Provinces to colonial America. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 66, 77n13,87. Although Curaçao would have been the Stuyvesant-Bayards’ first encounter with Atlantic slavery, Black maid-servants were in Amsterdam. Dienke Hondius and Linda Rupert point to the presence of Black servants among the seventeenth-century Jewish communities in Amsterdam during the 1640s. Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 48; Dienke Hondius, “Black Africans in Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam,” Renaissance and Reformation/Renaissance et Réforme 31, vol. 2 (2008): 94–95. See also Hondius, Blackness in Western Europe; Allison Blakely, Blacks in the Dutch World: The Evolution of Racial Imagery in a Modern Society (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); Heike Raphael-Hernandez, ed., Blackening Europe: The African American Presence (New York: Routledge, 2004); Hans Werner Debrunner, Presence and Prestige: Africans in Europe, A History of Africans in Europe before 1918 (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 1979).

64. Petrus Stuyvesant’s commitment to the spread of slavery has been noted by numerous historians and is supported by a record of slave requests and correspondence highlighting the centrality of the trade; see Hodges, Root & Branch, 25–26; Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 64; Dewulf, “Emulating a Portuguese Model,” 28.

65. Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 66. Lucas Rodenburch, vice director of Curaçao, to the directors at Amsterdam, 2 April 1654, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_014, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19379; CP, 62. Instructions given by Petrus Stuyvesant to Matthias Beck, 8 Jun 1655, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_019, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19384; CP, 76 81n75.

66. Susan Scott Parrish, “Richard Ligon and the Atlantic Science of Commonwealths,” WMQ 67, no. 2 (April 2010): 209–48.

67. De Laet, Iaerlyck verhael, https://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?urn=KONB10:000019207:00015), 114–19.

68. Bonomi, “Swarms of Negroes Coming about My Door, 41–43; Hodges, Root & Branch, 10–13.

69. Warren Milteer, Beyond Slavery’s Shadow: Free People of Color in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021), 23; Jennifer Morgan, Reckoning with Slavery: Gender, Kinship, and Capitalism in the Early Black Atlantic (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2021), 177–80. Innes, Stephen, and T. H. Breen, Myne Owne Ground: Race and Freedom on Virginia’s Eastern Shore, 1640–1676 (1980; reprint New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 4.

70. Copy of Resolutions of the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company regarding Wouter van Twiller’s farm, 24 May 1642, NNCM, NYSA_A0270-78_V3_061d, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19141; A.F. Van Laer, trans., K. Stryker-Rodda, eds., New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch, Register of the Provincial Secretary, 1648–1660 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing, 1974), 3: 174

71. For more on the respective roles of private individuals and the WIC in funding, chartering, and operating slaving voyages, see Maika, “To ‘experiment with a parcel of negros,’” 33–69.

72. Instruction to the Director General and Council of New Netherland in DRCHNY, 1:162.

73. For a compelling analysis of Maurits’s time as a slaveholder in Brazil, see Carolina Monteiro and Erik Odegard, “Slavery at the Court of the ‘Humanist Prince’: Reexamining Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen and his Role in Slavery, Slave Trade, and Slave-smuggling in Dutch Brazil,” Journal of Early American History 10, 1 (2020): 3–32, https://doi.org/10.1163/18770703-01001004.

74. Letter from the Directors in Amsterdam to the council of New Netherland, 26 June 1647, in Correspondence 1654–1658, 5.

75. Directors to Petrus Stuyvesant, April 7, 1648, NNCAC, NYSA_A1810-78_V11_12, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/45078; Letter from the Directors in Amsterdam to Petrus Stuyvesant, 7 April 1648, in Correspondence 1654–1658, 55.

76. Correspondence 1654–1658, 59.

77. Liber A-2, 35.

78. MCR, 12, 12n2; Dewulf, The Pinkster King, 41; Hodges, Root and Branch, 15. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 209

79. Jan Francisco had been advanced thirty-five florins for clothes received “in the service of the patroon,” in VRBM, 834; Venema, Beverwijck, 114.

80. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 216–17.

81. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 216–17.

82. Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 17–24, 52.

83. Patent. Domingo Antony, negro; 5 morgens of land on the island of Manhattan, and 505 rods behind Bouwery No. 5, near the Fresh water, 13 Jul 1643, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0080, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51177; Patent, Catelina, widow of Jochim Antony, negro; 4 morgens and 91 rods of land on the island of Manhattan, next the above, a common double wagon road remaining between both, 13 Jul 1643, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0081, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51178; Land grant from Willem Kieft to Paulo de Angola, 14 July 1645 in Stokes, Iconography, 74. Patent, Anthony Portuguese, negro; 6 morgens, 425 rods of land (Manhattan Island), 5 Sept 1645, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0117, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51214; Patent, Big Manuel, negro; 4 morgens, 380 rods land on the island of Manhattan, east of the above last-mentioned lot, 19 Oct 1645, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0125, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51222; Patent, Francisco, a negro; piece of land on the public wagon road, Manhattan Island, containing 200x335 paces, 25 March 1647, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0199a, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51297; Patent, Bastiaen, a negro; piece of land on Manhattan Island, adjoining the above, 200x300 paces, 26 Mar 1647, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0200, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51299; Patent, Jan, a negro, who came with the privateer; piece of land on the public wagon road, Manhattan Island, at the end of Mr. Hans (Kierstede’s) house and plantation, 200x225 paces, 26 Mar 1647, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0201, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51300; Patent, Peter van Campen, negro; 3 morgens 225 rods of land on the island of Manhattan, adjoining the negroes’ land, 8 Apr 1647, NNCPD, NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0209, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51309; Deed, Paulo de Angola and Clara Crioole, negroes, to Symon Joosten, of a lot of land on the east side of the Kolck, Manhattans. [1651], NNCPD, NYSA_A0270-78_V3_075a, 7 Apr 1648, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19172. For a comprehensive overview of the community of free Africans and creoles who lived along the wagon road see Michael A. Gomez, Black Crescent: The Experience and Legacy of African Muslims in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 120–30, 129m4.

84. Dutch Colonial Council Minutes, 25 February 1644, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V04_p183-184, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/11580.

85. Petrus and Judith were married in Breda on 13 August 1645. Jaap Jacobs includes details of Judith’s early life in Petrus Stuyvesant, 43.

86. Liber A-2, 36.

87. Liber A-2, 37.

88. Indenture of service of Maria, a young Negro girl, to Nicolaes Coorn, 25 May 1644, NNRPS, NYSA_A0270-78_V2_111b, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/11106.

89. See multiple baptisms of enslaved people, including the children of Andries, Emanuel, Anthony, Paulus in Sypher, Liber A-2.

90. Sypher, Liber A-2, 42.

91. Certain foods were served during the lying-in period and may well have been prepared for Judith by enslaved hands. For an image of a Dutch lying in which features the food served intended to bring the milk down, see Matthijs Naiveu, “The Newborn Baby,” in Matters of Taste: Food and Drink in Seventeenth-century Dutch Art and Life, eds. Donna R. Barnes and Peter G. Rose (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2002), 94. Food culture was a central form of seventeenth-century Dutch identity. Linda Civitello, Cuisine and Culture: A History of Food and People (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2008), 158–61.

92. For Selijns’s wedding poem entitled “Bridal Torch,” written to celebrate Ægidius Luyck and Judith van Isendoorn’s wedding and its allusions to the slavery he encountered in New Amsterdam, see Nicole Saffold Maskiell, “Elite Dutch Slave Networks,” 192. Stuyvesant doubtlessly invited Ægidius to his bouwerij, where Ægidius likely met Henricus Selijns. Henry Cruse Murphy, trans. and ed., Anthology of New Netherland, Or, Translations from the Early Dutch Poets of New York, With Memoirs of Their Lives (1865; reprint Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1966), 171.

93. Esther J. Lee et al., “MtDNA Origins of an Enslaved Labor Force from the 18th Century Schuyler Flatts Burial Ground in Colonial Albany, NY: Africans, Native Americans and Malagasy?” Journal of Archaeological Science 36, no. 12 (December 2009): 2805–10, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2009.09.008.

94. Jennifer L. Morgan, “‘Some Could Suckle over Their Shoulder’: Male Travelers, Female Bodies, and the Gendering of Racial Ideology, 1500–1700,” WMQ 54, no. 1 (January 1997): 183–84.

95. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 2 June 1661, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f42_ncn, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18522; Susanah Shaw Romney, email messages to the author, 31 May 2021, 1 June 2021.

96. Stuyvesant to the vice director of Curaçao, NNCAC, NYSA_A1810-78_V13_070, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54453; DIHSTA, 3:421; Jaap Jacobs, email message to the author, 28 May 2021.

97. Letter from the Director-General to the Nine men, 15 November 1651, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0019c, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54646; Council Minutes 1652 – 54, 13–14.

98. Instruction for Hendrick van Dijck, in DRCHNY, 1:505. For a clear explanation of the governance structure of the colony, specifically the difference between the positions of fiscael and schout, see Jaap Jacobs, “‘To Favor this New and Growing City of New Amsterdam with a Court of Justice.’ The Relations between Rulers and Ruled in New Amsterdam,” in Amsterdam—New York: Transatlantic Relations and Urban Identities Since 1653, eds. George Harinck and Hans Krabbendam (Amsterdam: VU University Press, 2005), 17–29, herein 24–26.

99. Instruction for Hendrick van Dijck, in DRCHNY, 1:505.

100. Journal of New Netherland; Written in the years 1641, 1642, 1643, 1644, 1645 and 1646, in DRCHNY, 1:187.

101. Jacobs, New Netherland, 95.

102. Instruction for Hendrick van Dijck, 1652 in DRCHNY, 1:504. For documents concerning the broader fight between Petrus and Hendrick, see Petition of Fiscal Van Dijck to change the phrasing of the resolution on The Bride, 6 February 1652, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0014, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54637; Letter from Director-General to the council, 27 March 1652, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0036, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54659; Minute approving the suspension of Hendrick van Dijck, 28 March 1652, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0037a, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54660; Minute of the appearance of Hendrick van Dijck before the council, 28 March 1652, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0037b, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54661; Order to the secretary to furnish Van Dijck with a copy of the lampoon, 28 March 1652, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0037c, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54662; Order to Hendrick van Dijck to vacate the company’s house which he occupies, 15 October 1652, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0078, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54704.

103. The year 1647 marked a transitional period for the Dutch in the Atlantic slave trade. With the loss of Brazil and control of São Tomé the Portuguese turned their attention on recapturing Luanda. Cornelis C.H. Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean on the Wild Coast 1580–1689 (1971; reprint Gainesville: Library Press@UF and imprint of the University of Florida Press, 2017), 106, 308, 312, 315. Klooster offers a detailed analysis of the multicultural identities of slave ship captains who plied the Dutch Atlantic and the varied ports they frequented. Klooster, The Dutch Moment, 146, 195. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 11353. Eendracht (1647). This ship was flying under a French flag but captained by Dutchman Pieter Mijnerts. It arrived in São Tomé on July 1, 1647, after a shipboard rebellion and a voyage during which 85 captive people died. Another such example was the Prince van Denemarcken, captained by Maarten Honnich, which lost 72 people in its voyage to the Caribbean; the remaining 320 would be sold into the regional slaving market. The year also marked a peak in investment in Barbados. Pieter Cornelis Emmer, The Dutch Slave Trade, 1500–1850 (Oxford, UK: Berghahn Books, 2006), 24. Russell R. Menard, Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in early Barbados (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), 52.

104. On Barbados, during the mid-1640s, sugar was still worked in part by European servants but it was quickly being racialized. Ligon gives an example of a group enslaved people attacking with fire the sugar processing plant, although others thwart the effort by informing their enslavers. Richard Ligon, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbados, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (1657; reprint Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 2011), 101–6. By the late seventeenth century, the association of sugar and blackness informed Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko. Aphra Behn, Oroonoko, in Versions of Blackness: ‘Oroonoko’, Race, and Slavery, ed. Derek Hughes (1688; reprint Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 127. For a discussion of the breakdown of tasks such as tending hogs and building fortification, see Foote, Black and White Manhattan, 38; See also Romney, New Netherland Connections, 207–8; For the racialization of dishonorable work like serving as an executioner, see Venema, Beverwijck, 114. Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 45, 98.

105. Gabriel de Haes vs. Nicolaes Meyer, 15 November 1655, in Minutes of the Court of Burgomasters and Schepens of New Amsterdam, Sept. 1654–Nov. 15, 1655, NYCMA, http://nycma.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/s/51qx5e. A published English translation of the case included in RONA, 1:398.

106. Benjamin Schmidt, Innocence Abroad: The Dutch Imagination and the New World, 1570–1670 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 113–15, 301.

107. Ulrich Lupoldt, fiscael, vs. Gijsbert Cornelissen Beyerlandt, New Amsterdam, 3 February 1639, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V04_p031, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/11428. For another version of the translation see Council Minutes, 1638–1649, 37.

108. For the public and humiliating nature of punishment in medieval and early modern Amsterdam, see Geert Mak, Amsterdam: A Brief Life of the City, trans. Philipp Blom (London: Vintage Books, 2001), 46; Steven Nadler, A Book Forged in Hell: Spinoza’s Scandalous Treatise and the Birth of the Secular Age (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), 37.

109. Proclamation annulling ordinances in Rensselaerswyck prohibiting the cutting and hauling of firewood for Fort Orange, 27 January 1652, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0004, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54626; For another translation, see Council Minutes 1652 – 54, 2.

110. See “BON – BOR” in Henry Hexham A copious English and Netherduytch dictionaire Composed out of our best English Authours. With an appendix of the names of Beasts, Fowles, Birds, Fishes, Hunting, and Hawking and also a compendious grammar for the instruction of the learner. Het groot woorden-Boeck, etc. (Rotterdam, NL: Aernout Leers, 1647).

111. Hondius, Blackness in Western Europe, 81–82.

112. Remonstrance of The Director—General and Council of New—Netherland to the States—General, Exposing the Bad Conduct of the Barbarous Indians towards the Dutch, 31 Oct 1655, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V06_0130, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/52388; DRCHNY, 13:49–51.

113. Jean R. Soderlund, Lenape Country: Delaware Valley Society Before William Penn (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), 93–94; Lipman, The Saltwater Frontier, 187–88.

114. Extract from a Letter of the Directors in Holland to Stuyvesant and Council: They Accuse the (Former) Fiscals Van Tienhoven and Van Dijk as Being the Cause of the Late Indian Massacre, in DRCHNY, 13:70.

115. April 20/30 1665. Certificate. That sundry grant of land, near Stuyvesant’s bouwery, had been made in the years 1659 and 1660 to divers negroes’ with the names of said negroes and a description of their lands, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0329, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55731; See also https://www.newnetherlandinstitute.org/files/2814/0681/8946/Stuyvesantmanumission.

116. Letter from Petrus Stuyvesant to Secretary Van Ruyven. The Esopus Indians have been Attacked and Defeated; the Out Settlements are to be Put on their Guard, 18 March 1660, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V09_0131, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/53433; DRCHNY, 13:151–52.

117. Letter to Jan Baptist Van Rensselaer, 3–6 June 1660, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b04-f32_p1-f36_p2_ncnin, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18514. CJVR, 220.

118. Transport of Esopus Indians to Curaçao, 12 July 1660, NNCM, NYSA_A1810-78_V13_0117, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54501.

119. For the use of Black people as enslaved labor to build and protect New Netherland before Stuyvesant’s tenure see Romney, New Netherland Connections, 191–99, 203.

120. Jeremias to Jan Baptist van Rensselaer, 25 April 1664, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b05-f15_p2-f16_p1_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18546; Jaap Jacobs, email message to author, 28 May 2021; cf. CJVR, 353.

Chapter 2 Kolonist

1. Names of the purchasers of slaves, 29 May 1664, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0228, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55671.

2. Nicolaes Verlet, wede. van Susanna Jillis, en Anna Stuijvesants, wede. van Samuel Baijarts. Banns of Nicolaes Verlet and Anna Stuyvesant, 14 October 1656, in Liber A-2, 494.

3. Jaap Jacobs, Petrus Stuyvesant (Amsterdam: Uitgeverij Bert Bakker, 2009), 41.

4. Ariadne Schmidt argues that despite the personal financial resources of a woman at the time of her widowhood or civic structures in place to maintain widows, early modern Dutch widows experienced “social polarization.” Ariadne Schmidt, “Survival Strategies of Widows and Their Families in Early Modern Holland, c. 1580–1750,” History of the Family 12, no. 4 (2007), 268–81.

5. Jacobs, Petrus Stuyvesant, 41.

6. Joanne van der Woude and Jaap Jacobs detail the dense connections of friendships that surrounded the Stuyvesant/Bayards. Such ties were cultivated and maintained while living abroad, such as his relationship with Johan Farret, who lived near Alphen in Woerden. Jacobs, Petrus Stuyvesant, 42; Joanne van der Woude and Jaap Jacobs, “Sweet Resoundings: Friendship Poetry by Petrus Stuyvesant and Johan Farret on Curaçao, 1639–45,” WMQ 75, no. 3 (July 2018), 507–40, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5309/willmaryquar.75.3.0507.

7. See chapter 1, note 53, for an extended discussion of Dutch maidservants. Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches, 103, 319, 458.

8. Her decision to emigrate was not unique but part of a larger pattern uncovered by Romney of Dutch widows through the seventeenth-century Atlantic World who weathered “frequent uprootings” and “repeatedly formed new intimate relationships” to reinvent themselves anew far away from continental Europe. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 23.

9. Varlet is also spelled Varleth, Varlet, Varleet, Verlett, and Verleth in colonial documents. April Lee Hatfield, “Dutch Merchants and Colonists in the English Chesapeake: Trade, Migration, and Nationality in 17th-century Maryland and Virginia,” in From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland, and Colonial America, 1550–1750, ed. Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton (London: Sussex Academic Press, 2001), 299–300, 304n.

10. April Lee Hatfield, “Dutch Merchants and Colonists in the English Chesapeake,” 299–300, 304n. Hatfield noted that the Varlet daughters were particularly robust traders of tobacco and slaves. Anna Varlet Hack established a plantation in Virginia, and some of her slaves, Hatfield posited, were brought from New Netherland.

11. Jacobus Backer, van Amsterdam, en Margariet Stuijvesant, van Delfsziel. Banns of Jacobus Backer and Margrietje Stuyvesant, 30 Oct 1655, Liber A-2, 492. Letter from Willem Beeckman to Director Stuyvesant (mentions “Bycker’s place in Virginia”), NNDR, NYSA_A1878-78_V18_0064, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/50750.

12. Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia, 97; Cor Snabel and Elizabeth Johnson, “The Hack and Varlet Families of Amsterdam and America,” in The Varlet Family of Amsterdam and Their Associated Families in the American Colonies and in the Netherlands (2008), chapter 7, http://varletfamily.pbworks.com.

13. Snabel and Johnson, “The Hack and Varlet Families of Amsterdam and America.”

14. Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia, 97–100; Koot, Empire at the Periphery, 78.

15. Nicholaes Boot v. Teunis Kraey, Mr. Jacob Huges and Mr. Scharborgh, 13 September 1655, New Amsterdam Records, RNA_v1_bk3, image 132, page 398. NYCMA, https://nycma.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/s/8n6k04; cf. RONA, 1:362–63.

16. Dennis Maika, “Commerce and Community: Manhattan Merchants in the Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1995), 124.

17. Nicholaes Boot v. Teunis Kraey, Mr. Jacob Huges and Mr. Scharborgh, 13 September 1655, New Amsterdam Records, RNA_v1_bk3, image 132, page 398, NYCMA, https://nycma.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/s/8n6k04; cf. RONA, 1: 362–63.

18. Nicholaes Boot v. Teunis Kraey, Mr. Jacob Huges and Mr. Scharborgh, 13 September 1655, New Amsterdam Records, RNA_v1_bk3, image 132, page 398, NYCMA, https://nycma.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/s/8n6k04; cf. RONA, 1: 362–63.

19. Myndert Lourisen v. Nicolaes Boot, 6 September 1655, New Amsterdam Records, RNA_v1_bk3, image 122, page 388, NYCMA, https://nycma.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/s/8n6k04. RONA, 1:354.

20. Deposition in the Protocol of Amsterdam Notary Hendrick Schaef, 1656, SAA, 5075/54.2.28/A32698000044, https://archief.amsterdam/inventarissen/scans/5075/54.2.28/start/0/limit/50/highlight/44.

21. Hatfield, “Dutch and New Netherland Merchants in the Seventeenth-Century English Chesapeake,” in The Atlantic Economy during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Organization, Operation, Practice, and Personnel, ed. Peter A. Coclanis (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2005), 215, 214n.

22. Hatfield, “Dutch Merchants and Colonists in the English Chesapeake,” in Vigne and Littleton, From Strangers to Citizens, 300.

23. The Directors at Amsterdam to the Director and Council of New Netherland, 20 January 1664, NNCAC, NYSA_A1810-78_V15_0097, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/50613; Audit. Account of Nicolas Varleth and Jacobus Backer, for expenses incurred by councillor de Decker’s mission to Virginia, 28 January 1664, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0026, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55539. See also DIHSTA, 3:462.

24. Caspar Varlet was an Amsterdam silk merchant who used colonial intermediates to diversify his portfolio. Jacobs, New Netherland, 298; Snabel and Johnson, “The Caspar Varlet Family,” in The Varlet Family of Amsterdam, chapter 2, http://varletfamily.pbworks.com. For a detailed examination of how the Stuyvesants leveraged their Atlantic kin connections to the Varlets and others see Romney, New Netherland Connections, 105–10.

25. Bill of lading for the “Rensselaerswijck.” 26 August 1636, Notarissen ter Standplaats Amsterdam, SAA, notaris Jacob Jacobs en Nicolaes Jacobs, 5075.17. 414A.173, KLAB09445000226-227, https://archief.amsterdam/inventarissen/inventaris/5075.nl.html#KLAB09445000420; Shipment for the “Wapen van Leeuwarden,” 12 December 1639, Notarissen ter Standplaats Amsterdam, Stadsarchief Amsterdam, notaris Jacob Jacobus en Nicolaes Jacobus, 5075.17. 420B. For a guide to these voyages along with more resources housed at the Amsterdam archives on the early tobacco trade, see Jan Kupp, comp., “Calendar to Amsterdam and Rotterdam Notarial Acts Relating to the Virginia Tobacco Trade,” https://www.uvic.ca/library/locations/home/spcoll/documents/Kupp_calendar.pdf.

26. Such an argument was pioneered by historians such as Ira Berlin, Philip D. Morgan, Stephen Innes, T. H. Breen and others. Berlin, Many Thousands Gone, 10, 109–15; Philip D. Morgan, A Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Low Country (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 1–27; Innes and Breen, Myne Owne Ground: Race and Freedom on Virginia’s Eastern Shore, 1640–1676 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), x, 31–45. The importance of Atlantic currents in shaping the chronology of enslavement in the Chesapeake, specifically with regards to the Dutch context, is explored by April Lee Hatfield. Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia, 137–68. Hatfield also details that the Varlet/Hack, Hermans and Volckert émigrés were granted headrights alongside “Domingo, a Negro, George, a Negro, Kathrine, a Negro, Ann, a Negro,” 99n64.

27. See note 22 in the Introduction for more on the state of research into the impact of Northeastern transplants.

28. James H. Kettner, The Development of American Citizenship, 1608–1870 (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 91–92; Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia, 97.

29. Christian J. Koot, “The Merchant, the Map, and Empire: Augustine Herrman’s Chesapeake and Interimperial Trade, 1644–73,” WMQ 67, no. 4 (October 2010): 635–36, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5309/willmaryquar.67.4.0603; Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly January 1637/8-September 1664, reproduced in William Hand Browne, Edward C. Papenfuse et al., eds., Archives of Maryland, 215+ volumes (Baltimore and Annapolis, Md., 1883–), 1:462, https://msa.maryland.gov/megafile/msa/spec-col/sc2900/sc2908/000001/000001/html/am1--462.html.

30. Snabel and Johnson, “The Hack and Varlet Families of Amsterdam and America.”

31. Koot, “The Merchant, the Map, and Empire,” 613; Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia, 97.

32. Resolution to charter to Frederick Philipse, late the director’s carpenter, the company’s sloop for a voyage to Virginia, 20 September 1660, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V09_0416, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/53620.

33. Partus sequitor ventrem, or progeny follows the womb, was first applied in the colonial context in Virginia in 1662 in the wake of the successful freedom case of Elizabeth Key, but beyond the reference of maternal descent as prerequisite for heritable slavery, was an entirely new invention, holding little in common with ancient law. “A Report of a Committee from an Assembly Concerning the Freedome of Elizabeth Key,” in The Old Dominion in the Seventeenth Century: A Documentary History of Virginia, 1606–1689, ed. Warren M. Billings (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 1975), 167–69. Jonathan Bush offers a great roadmap to colonial legal precedent and its only vague relation to Roman Law. Jonathan A. Bush, “Free to Enslave: The Foundations of Colonial American Slave Law,” Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 5, no. 2 (summer 1993), 425, 425n22, https://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/yjlh/vol5/iss2. For a complete analysis of this law’s effect on enslaved women’s lives see, Jennifer Morgan, “Partus sequitur ventrem: Law, Race, and Reproduction in Colonial Slavery,” Small Axe 22, no. 1 (March 2018), 1–17, doi: https://doi-org.proxy.library.cornell.edu/10.1215/07990537-4378888.

34. Willem Beeckman to Petrus Stuyvesant, 18 and 20 March 1662, NNDR, NYSA_A1878-78_V19_0023, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51114; Gehring, Delaware Papers, 264–65. In Samuel Hazard’s edited version, the date is given as 18 March 1662 and the quote is rendered: “A company of negroes, as I am very much in want of them in many respects.” Annals of Pennsylvania, 1609–1682, ed. Samuel Hazard (Philadelphia: Hazard and Mitchell, 1850), 331. For a fantastic treatment of Dutch presence in Delaware see William H. Williams, Slavery and Freedom in Delaware, 1639–1865 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1996), chapter 1.

35. According to his replacement, Adriaen Beaumont, Michiel had allowed all manner of licentiousness to flourish during his tenure in Curaçao, but he was also controversial because of his baptism of Black people, a practice that Beaumont himself followed before being censured. Adriaen Beaumont to the Classis of Amsterdam, 17 April 1660, 5 Dec 1662, SAA, Archief van de Classis Amsterdam van de Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk, 379/224:11–13, 17–21. https://archief.amsterdam/inventarissen/scans/379/2.1.1.1/start/210/limit/10/highlight/4 and 5.

36. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 23 August 1659, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_041, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19408; CP, 131.

37. Classis of Amsterdam to Samuel Drisius, 5 December 1661, SAA, 379/2.1.1.1/217 https://archief.amsterdam/inventarissen/scans/379/2.1.1.1/start/210/limit/10/highlight/7; ERNY, 1:514.

38. Samuel Drisius to the Classis of Amsterdam relating the departure of Domine Selijns for the Netherlands and speculating on Samuel Megapolensis as his replacement; the French on Staten Island request a minister; 5/14 August 1664 Amsterdam Correspondence, Box 1, No.47. New Brunswick Theological Seminary; ERNY, 1:555.

39. Commission of Rev. Samuel Drisius to be ambassador to Virginia, 16 December 1653, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0187, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54783.

40. “Notes and Queries,” New York Genealogical and Biographical Record 13, no. 1 (January 1882): 49; Hatfield, “Dutch Merchants and Colonists in the English Chesapeake,” in From Strangers to Citizens, ed. Vigne and Littleton, 299, 301.

41. Resolution adopted at the meeting of the Director General and council of New Netherland, 31 May 1664. Extract included in John Romeyn Brodhead, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York: Procured in Holland, England and France (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons, 1858), 2:474; Contract with Thomas Willett for a quantity of beef and pork, payable in negroes, 31 May 1664, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0232b, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55674.

42. Petrus Stuyvesant to Matthias Beck, 28 October 1659, NYCM, NYSA_A1810-78_V13_0049, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54428; Order to allow Thomas Willet 3 or 4 slaves with permission to remove them wherever he likes, 30 September 1660, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V09_0427, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/53629. For more on the St Jan, see the Journal of the St Jan, 4 March 1659, 135–38; “List of the slaves who died aboard the ship St. Jan from the 30th of June to the 29th of October in the year 1659,” CP, 138–40, Matthias Beck to the Directors of the WIC, 5 January 1660, CP, 167; Matthias Beck to the Directors of the WIC, 4 February 1660, in CP, 170; Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 23 August 1659, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_041, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19408. CP, 133.

43. Stuyvesant’s July 8, 1664 loan request of Jeremias van Rensselaer and Johannes La Montagne is partially reproduced in Documents of the Senate of the State of New York (Albany, NY: James B. Lyon, State Printer, 1901), 13:253.

44. For more on Captain Thomas Willet, see Hodges, Root and Branch, 31; Romney, New Netherland Connections, 205.

45. A detailed overview of Thomas Willet’s biography is included in a footnote in George William Ellis and John Emery Morris’ King Philip’s War, although his wife Mary is erroneously listed as the sister of James Brown, and not his daughter. George William Ellis and John Emery Morris, King Philip’s War: Based on the Archives and Records of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Rhode Island and Connecticut, and Contemporary Letters and Accounts, with Biographical and Topographical Notes (New York: Grafton Press, 1906), 60–61n6. A pdf document entitled “A Genealogical Profile of Thomas Willett,” included on the website of Plimoth Plantation offers considerable detail about Willet’s life, including residing in Leiden on the Jacobsgracht, his marriage to Mary Browne, which produced thirteen children, and details about his life in New England. It also includes a short bibliography of works that contain biographical details on Willet. Despite his trading past with New Netherland, Willet was a member of the English force that invaded New Netherland when the colony fell in 1664. Plimoth Plantation and New England Genealogical Society, “A Genealogical Profile of Thomas Willett,” https://blogs.plimoth.org/sites/default/files/media/pdf/willett_thomas.pdf. For more on Thomas Willett, see Elizur Yale Smith, “CAPTAIN THOMAS WILLETT First Mayor of New York,” New York History 21, no. 4 (1940): 404–17, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23134735.

46. From the New York State Education Department. Court proceedings: Allert Anthony vs. Thomas Willet . . . Willem Beeckman vs. Adriaen van Tienhoven, 9 September 1652, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0053, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54675. The certificate for the spoiled flour also was signed by Oloff Stevensz and Cornelis van Tienhoven. Certificate of Thomas Willet and others, respecting the condition and value of flour landed from the Shark, 23 November 1654, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0389, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54933; minute that 1,500 guilders was borrowed from Thomas Willet by the director-general for the public service, 31 August 1655, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V07_pt1_0081b, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/56708; note to Thomas Willet for 1,500 guilders wampum, payable in merchandise or beaver, 31 August 1655, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V06_0087a, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/52341; Thomas Willet was Petrus Stuyvesant’s creditor. Minute that 1,500 guilders was borrowed from Thomas Willet by the director-general for the public service, 31 August 1655, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V06_0087b, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/52342; note To Thomas Willet, for 1,500 guilders wampum, payable in merchandise or beaver, 31 August 1655, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V07_pt1_0081a, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/56707; minute of communication to Thomas Willet of complaints presented by the Mohawks against the Northern Indians, for transmission to Boston, 24 July 1664, NYCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0284a, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55707; Mitigation of the seizure of Mr. Willet’s beavers, 27 October 1673, NYCM, NYSA_A1881-78_V23_0139, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/51845; receipt of John Safflin, curator of the estate of Thomas Willet, for a lot of peltries seized by the government and now released, 1 October 1674, NYCM, NYSA_A1881-78_V23_0405, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/52130.

47. Misevich, “In Pursuit of Human Cargo,” 187. By the middle of the eighteenth century the slave population of New York was second only to Charleston, South Carolina. Lepore, New York Burning, xii.

48. Thomas Willet kept up a brisk trade with New Netherland. When he was living in New Plymouth he served as security for the sale of the ship Amandare. From the New York State Education Department. “Bill of Sale of the Ship Amandare from Directors Stuyvesant and Kieft to Thomas Broughton,” 31 May 1647, NNRPS, NYSA_A0270-78_V2_156a, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/11302. This is the same ship noted as the slaver Tamandare (or T’Amandare) in the Voyages slave-trading database, TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 107713. Tamandare (1646). Governor Bradford welcomed Petrus to the area, recommended the services of Thomas Willet and William Peddie, and hoped to continue to “Carrie on theyre trade with as much freedom & saufetie” as had been enjoyed under Kieft. William Bradford to Petrus Stuyvesant, 3 August 1647, NNCAC, NYSA_A1810-78_V11_03a, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/45108.

49. In the same letter in which Petrus relayed the trade of supplies from Boston to Curaçao for salt, and discussed the interests of Thomas Willet and William Davids in New England, Stuyvesant requested more “negroes.” From the New York State Education Department. Petrus Stuyvesant to Matthias Beck, 20 July 1663, NNCM, NYSA_A1810-78_V15_0046, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/50557.

50. From the New York State Education Department. “Minute. Information furnished to director Stuyvesant by Thomas Willett, of the receipt of news at Boston of the sailing of an English fleet for the reduction of New Netherland with one “Nicles” on board who has been appointed governor,” 8 July 1664, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0251, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55686. For more on the fall of the colony, see L. H. Roper, “The Fall of New Netherland and Seventeenth-Century Anglo-American Imperial Formation, 1654–1676” NEQ 87, no. 4 (2014): 666–708, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43286385.

51. The first explicit mention of Balthazar Stuyvesant by name is in the letter written by Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, where he also reports on the accidental sale of Stuyvesant’s slaves. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 5 November 1664, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_094, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19465; CP, 182, 210.

52. Stuyvesant’s original letter inquiring about the enslaved children was sent on 29 July 1664, and does not survive. Beck’s reply, dated 5 November 1664, responds to that letter. CP, 211.

53. “One girl” is listed as going to Petrus Stuyvesant with the Speramundij in 1659, “six boys and five girls” were delivered to Stuyvesant with den Nieuw Netherlandsen Indiaan, 21 July 1661. Bill of Lading for the Speramundij Jan Pietersen, 24 August 1659, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_051a, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19420; CP, 155; Bill of Lading for Den Nieuw Netherlandsen Indiaan, Dierck Jansz, 21 July 1661, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_073, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19444; CP, 187. Such trade consistently shaped Stuyvesant’s actions throughout the end of his tenure. Director Stuyvesant to Vice-Director Beck, 30 January 1664, in DIHSTA, 1:431.

54. As Wim Klooster argued in The Dutch Moment, the continued state of warfare shaped Dutch colonial ideas of empire. Matthias Beck’s statement about the Stuyvesants’ lost slaves follows directly a paragraph detailing English actions against Dutch possessions in Cabo Verde and their plans to attack Dutch Coastal forts along Guinea. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 5 November 1664, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_094, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19465; CP, 210–11; Klooster, The Dutch Moment, 3.

55. Liber A-2, 36, 42, 53, 55, 69, 98, 108, 115, 121, 141, 143, 148, 151, 190. Standing as baptismal witness was, as Joyce Goodfriend argued, one central role that women played in the Dutch Reformed Church and some women even provided for god-children in wills. Joyce Goodfriend, “Incorporating Women into the History of the Colonial Dutch Reformed Church: Problems and Proposals” in Patterns and Portraits: Women in the History of the Reformed Church in America, eds. Renée S. House and John W. Coakley (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999), 27–28.

56. Genesis 17:7 “Ende ick sal mijn verbont oprichten tusschen my ende tusschen u /ende tusschen uwen zade na u in hare geslachten /tot een eeuwich verbont: om u te zijn tot eenen Godt /ende uwen zade na u,” http://www.statenvertaling.net/bijbel/gene/17.html. Judith Stuyvesant would have likely heard these versus intoned from the new Dutch translation of the Bible, the Statenvertaling, or States Bible, published in 1637, which grew out of a call for a new translation during the Synod of Dordrecht. For a detailed study of the new Dutch translation of the Bible, see Frits G.M. Broeyer, “Bible for the Living Room: The Dutch Bible in the Seventeenth Century,” in Lay Bibles in Europe 1450–1800, eds. Mathijs Lamberigts and A. A. den Hollander (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 2006), 207–15.

57. The form of baptism was included within the formulierboek. “Forme om den heylighen Doop uyt te richten,” Catechismus ofte Onderwijsinghe inde Christelicke Leere . . . (Middelburg, 1611), Archief van de Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk, Classis Amsterdam, Inventaris 379, Algemeen, 1.2.2.1.1, 32 Formulierboek, bestaande uit een catechismus . . ., KLAD02048000039-43; https://archief.amsterdam/inventarissen/scans/379/1.4.2/start/30/limit/10/highlight/9, Stadsarchief Amsterdam. Danny Noorlander discusses the importance placed on the consistency of liturgy and the high bar for baptism throughout the Dutch WIC enforced by church leaders in Holland. Noorlander, “Serving God and Mammon: The Reformed Church and the Dutch West India Company in the Atlantic World, 1621–1674” (PhD diss., Georgetown University, 2011), 133–34, 134n48, 312, 312n46; Noorlander, Heaven’s Wrath, 114n8.

58. Jaap Jacobs, New Netherland, 315–18, 315n92, 316n93. For baptism under Bogardus’s tenure, see Willem Frijhoff, Fulfilling God’s Mission: The Two Worlds of Dominie Everardus Bogardus, 1607–1647, trans. Myra Heerspink Scholz, The Atlantic World: Europe, Africa and the Americas, 1500–1830, vol. 14 (1995; reprint Boston: Brill, 2007), 542.

59. Domine Henricus Selijns to the Classis of Amsterdam, 9 June 1664 Amsterdam Correspondence, Box 1, No. 46. Gardner A. Sage Library, New Brunswick Theological Seminary. Cf. NYHMRCB, 231.

60. Jacobs, Petrus Stuyvesant, 41–42.

61. Names of enslaved people and their locations based on lawsuit by Portuguese slaver Juan Gaillardo Ferera who claimed that his “property” had been illegally sold in New Netherland in 1659. Dutch National Archives, 1.01.02, inv.nr. 12564.46. DRCHNY, 2:31.

62. Letter from Matthias Beck, vice director of Curaçao to the directors in Amsterdam, 4 February 1660, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_057, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19427. CP, 172.

63. Gehring, “Introduction,” in Curaçao Papers, 1640–1665, ed. and trans. Charles T. Gehring and J. A. Schiltkamp (Interlaken, NY: Heart of the Lakes, 1987), xviii–xv. For evidence of Matthias’s presence in Brazil in the 1630s, see C. J. Wasch, “Een doopregister der Hollanders in Brazilië,” in Algemeen Nederlandsch Familieblad, vol. 5 (Netherlands: Bureau Groenendaal, 1888), 143.

64. Marcus P. Meuwese, “‘For the Peace and Well-Being of the Country’: Inter-cultural Mediators and Dutch-Indian Relations in New Netherland and Dutch Brazil, 1600–1664” (PhD diss., University of Notre Dame, 2003), 297, https://curate.nd.edu/show/6m311n81g6m.

65. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 23 August 1659, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_041, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19408. CP, 131–32. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 28 July 1657, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_028. https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19393. CP, 108–9.

66. For evidence of the reciprocal relationship between the Becks and Stuyvesant, see Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 4 February 1660, NNCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_056, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19426; CP, 169; Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 21 July 1664, NNCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_087, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19458; CP, 200; Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 5 November 1664, NNCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_094, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19465; CP, 212; “Register of goods loaded at Curaçao for New Netherland,” 1665, NNCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_108, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19477; CP, 232.

67. Names of the purchasers of slaves, 29 May 1664, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0228, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55671.

68. Newell, Brethren by Nature, 45, 48, 54.

69. Certificate that the half-slaves who petitioned for manumission had been fully emancipated and made free, 21 December 1664, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0327, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55730. For an earlier petition made in September of the same year, see Petition of several half slaves to be manumitted and made entirely free, 4 September 1664, NNCM, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0317, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55726o. Romney offers a well-considered overview of this moment in New Netherland Connections, with a document roadmap that I have followed. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 238.

70. Certificate that the half-slaves who petitioned for manumission had been fully emancipated and made free, 11/21 December 1664, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0327, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55730.

71. Certificate that sundry grants of land near Stuyvesant’s bouwery had been made in the years 1659 and 1660 to various negroes, 30 April 1665, NYSA_A1809-78_V10_pt3_0329, http://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/55731; Romney, New Netherland Connections, 239.

72. For more on this topic, see Edgar McManus, A History of Negro Slavery in New York, 22; Rink, Holland on the Hudson, 163–64; Goodfriend, “Burghers and Blacks,” 126.

73. Trial of Jan Creoly, 25 June 1646, in Council Minutes 1638–1649, 4:326–28, https://www.newnetherlandinstitute.org/download_file/view/1584/1240/.

74. Testimony of Fockke Jans, Kier Wolters, and Jan Jansen van de Langestraet, August 6, 1666. Stukken betreffende de bemoeingen van de Staten-General met de beschuldigingen tegen en de verdediging van Pieter Stuyvesant, gewezen directeurgeneraal van Nieuw-Nederland, inzake zijn gedrag bij het verlies van Nieuw-Nederland, 1665–1667. Nationaal Archief, Staten-Generaal, inv. nr. 12564.57; See also DRCHSNY, 2:474.

75. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 245, 294.

76. For more on Stuyvesant’s financial status after the fall of the colony, see Johannes Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 27; Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 62–63; NYHME, 1:104, 361–62; TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 11781. Leonora (a) Leeuwinne (1669); Will of Nicolaes Stuyvesant, 13 August 1698, in Wills, 1:294.

77. Petrus Stuyvesant to States General, 1666, in DRCHNY, 2:430; Nationaal Archief, Staten-Generaal, inv. nr. 12564.57.

78. Jaap Jacobs, email message to author, 4 June 2021.

79. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 5 November 1664, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_094, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19465; CP, 108. Williams, Slavery and Freedom in Delaware, 1639–1865, 7.

80. Matthias Beck to the Directors of the WIC, 21 July 1664, in CP, 196 . For more on the Den Gideon, see Mosterman, “Nieuwer-Amstel, stadskolonie aan de Delaware,” 164–71.

81. VSSJAA, 222; Letter from the council to the directors at Amsterdam, 17 August 1664, NYSA_A1810-78_V15_0139, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/50656. Some of those enslaved were traded to Maryland. Williams, Slavery and Freedom in Delaware, 7–9.

82. VSSJAA, 213, 221–24; cf. Williams, Slavery and Freedom in Delaware, 7. Romney, New Netherland Connections, 240.

83. Merwick, Stuyvesant Bound, 3, 121–35; Russell Shorto, The Island at the Center of the World: The Epic Story of Dutch Manhattan and the Forgotten Colony that Shaped America (2004; reprint New York: Vintage, 2005), 306; Mark Reinberger and Elizabeth McLean, The Philadelphia Country House: Architecture and Landscape in Colonial America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015), 34.

84. Theodore Roosevelt to the New-York Historical Society, 13 September 1895, NYHS-RG 2, Box 66, NYHS; Jan Seidler Ramirez, “Stuyvesant’s Pear Tree: Some Interpretive Fruits,” New York Journal of American History 65, no. 4 (fall 2004): 116–21.

85. Petition, 4 September 1664, in CHMANY, 1: 269; certificate, “That sundry grants of land, near Stuyvesant’s bouwery, had been made in the years 1659 and 1660 to divers negroes,” 20/30 April 1665, vol. 10, pt. 3, New York Colonial Manuscripts, 329–32, New York State Archives, https://www.newnetherlandinstitute.org/files/2814/0681/8946/Stuyvesantmanumission.pdf; Conveyance of Judith Stuyvesant to Frans Bastiaensz, 24 September 1674, New York City Deeds, MS 1972, 23, NYHS, https://blog.nyhistory.org/black-history-month-17th-century/. See also Original Book of New York Deeds, January 1st 1672 to October 19th 1675 in Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1913: The John Watts De Peyster Publication Fund (New York: Printed for the Society, 1914) 46: 42–43. For the proximity of Stuyvesants’ land to the community of free Blacks see Romney, New Netherland Connections, 239.

86. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 5 November 1664, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_094, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19465; CP, 208–9; Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 16 April 1665, in CP, 224. For Balthazar Stuyvesant’s trade passes, see NYHME, 1: 104, 361–62.

87. Matthias Beck to Petrus Stuyvesant, 16 April 1665, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_104, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19473; CP, 224. “Curaçao as the Centre of the Slave Trade,” Kura Hulanda Museum, http://www.kurahulanda.com/slavery/slave-trade, accessed Dec 9, 2010. For information in Dutch on the branding of enslaved Africans when they arrived on Curaçao, see Johannes Hartog, Curaçao: Van Kolonie Tot Autonomie: Deel 1 (Tot 1816) (Aruba: D.J. de Witt, 1961), 440–41.

88. Balthazar Lazarus Stuyvesant to Nicolaes Baeyaert op de Manhatans, 2 July 1665, CP 232–35.

89. East Jersey Proprietors to Nicholas Bayard, NJEJD, vol. 1, part A, folio 11; Anthony Brockholes to Nicholas Bayard, NJEJD, vol. H, folio 4; “Census of the City of New-York: About the Year 1703,” in DHSNY, 403; Ordinance of the Director General of New Netherland imposing a Land tax at Esopus, to defray the expense of building a Minister’s house there, in E. B. O’Callaghan, ed. Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, 1638 – 1674 (Albany: Weed, Parsons, 1868), 413.

90. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 44270. Leonora (1667). On 9 February 1674 Cornelis Steenwijck was assessed as being the second most affluent resident of New Netherland alongside Nicolaes de Meyer, with both estates worth 50,000 guilders, in DRCHSNY, 2: 699–700. Olof Stevense van Cortlandt, was roughly equivalent in terms of city property with an estate valued at 45,000 guilders. According to that 1674 valuation, Frederick Phillips was the wealthiest, with an estate worth 80,000 guilders; cf., Jacobs, New Netherland, 337–38. Cornelis Steenwijck used his fortune to invest in diverse projects, from slave trading to ironworks. In 1652 he signed a petition explaining that “the undersigned Burghers and inhabitants of this city New Amsterdam” were “inclined to a foreign trade, and especially to the coast of Africa” to “fetch thence slaves” so “this city and the entire country would increase and prosper in merchandize, commerce, population and more especially in the tobacco trade.” They asked for “permission to trade free and unobstructed in ship or ships, along the whole of the west coast of Africa.” Proposed Contract to Import Slaves into New Netherland, 1652, in DIHSTA, 3: 412–14, 414n4. For his investment in New Jersey ironworks, see Daniel J. Weeks, Not for Filthy Lucre’s Sake: Richard Saltar and the Antiproprietary Movement in East New Jersey, 1665–1707 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Press, 2001), 72. He donated to a fund for the city’s defense in 1653. Jacobs, New Netherland, 328–29. For Cornelis Steenwijck’s trading networks, see Rink, Holland on the Hudson, 205.

91. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 44281. Leonora (1667).

92. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 44281. Vergulde Posthoorn (1669).

93. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 44281. Vergulde Posthoorn (1669).

94. TAVoyages, Voyage ID 11781. Leonara (a) Leeuwinne (1669). Between 1670 and 1674, fifty-nine documented slave ships carrying 24,202 slaves departed from Africa for Dutch Atlantic colonies. Postma, Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 110, table 5.1.

95. Kopie-kontrakt van de vergadering van Negentien met Domingo Grillo, Ambrosio Grillo en anderen inzake de leverantie van slaven door de Compagnie aan hen, en het vervoer van dezen naar Curaçao, 1662 September 15, 1668 Mei 18, 1670 September 20, Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, Netherlands Archief van de Staten-Generaal, 1.01.01.01, inventarisnummer 1362.

96. Edsall in “Queries,” 58; Cuyler Reynolds, Annals of American Families (New York: National Americana Society, 1916), 2:103. St. Thomas continued to have a planter majority of Dutch heritage, even after the Danish takeover. Jonathan I. Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585–1740 (1989; reprint Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 2002), 326. For more on the development of slavery in the Danish Caribbean, see Neville A. T. Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies (1992; reprint Mona, Jamaica: Department of History, University of the West Indies at Mona, Cave Hill, and St. Augustine, 1994).

97. Edsall in “Queries,” 58; Reynolds, Annals of American Families, 2:103; Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 122, 171; Yda Schreuder, Amsterdam’s Sephardic Merchants and the Atlantic Sugar Trade in the Seventeenth Century (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), 240; Koot, Empire at the Periphery, 137–39, 187–90.

98. Balthazar Lazarus Stuyvesant to Nicolaes Baeyaert op de Manhatans, 2 July 1665, NNCCR, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_109, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19478; CP 232–35.

99. Edsall in “Queries,” 58; Reynolds, Annals of American Families, 2:103; Koot, Empire at the Periphery, 125–29; Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies, 7.

100. Nicolaes Baijard, jm. van Alphen, en Judith Verlet, j.d. van Amsterdam verk, ingescriven 25 Maij, Liber A-2, 516.

101. I. N. Phelps Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498–1909, vol. 6 (New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1915–1928), 123.

102. “Census of the City of New-York: About the Year 1703,” in DHSNY1, 622.

103. George Johnston’s book offers detail about Petrus Bayard’s activities among the Labadists and the fact that they were initially antislavery but then became slave-holders. George Johnston, History of Cecil County, Maryland: And the Early Settlements around the Head of the Chesapeake Bay and on the Delaware River with Sketches of Some of the Old Families of Cecil County (Elkton, MD: George Johnston, 1881), 84–132; See also Jasper Danckaerts, The Journal of Jasper Danckaerts, 1679–1680, eds. Bartlett Burleigh James and J. Franklin Jameson (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), 141n1.

104. Henry C. Murphy, “Introduction” to Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in Several of the American Colonies in 1679–80, by Jaspar Dankers and Peter Sluyter, trans. and ed. Henry C. Murphy (Brooklyn: Published by the Long Island Historical Society, 1867), xxxiiin1.

105. Murphy, “Introduction,” xxxivi–xxxv.

106. T. J. Saxby, The Quest for the New Jerusalem, Jean de Labadie and the Labadists, 1610–1744 (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff, 1987), 130, 289; Kim Todd, Chrysalis: Maria Sibylla Merian and the Secrets of Metamorphosis (London: I. B. Tauris, 2007), 160.

107. For their poor assessment of Maryland, see 15 December 1679, Journal of Jasper Danckaerts, 134. For the Labadist shift to enslaved labor see Davis, Women on the Margins, 170–71.

108. Petrus Dittelbach details such cruel treatment in Verval en val der Labadisten (Amsterdam: Daniel van de Dalen, 1692).

109. David William Voorhees, “‘To Assert Our Right before It Be Quite Lost’: The Leisler Rebellion in the Delaware River Valley,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 64, no. 1 (1997): 5–27, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27773953.

110. Petrus Baijard, jm. van Alphen, en Blandina Kierstede, j.d. van N. Orangien, beijde wonende alhier den 4 Nov > ingeschreven den 28 Nov > Getrouwt, Liber A-2, 530. In 1697 Blandina purchased land at Rampo in what is now Rockland County, NY, from Indigenous people. Land Sale from Zerickham, Mettissiena, Eghkenem, Onarkommagh, Kraghkon, Saeuwapigh Kim and Nanawaron to Blandina Bayard, 15 October 1697, NYSR88-A936, New York State Library Special Collections.

111. Will of Sara Roeloffse, 29 July 1693, in John O. Evjen, Scandinavian Immigrants in New York, 1630–1674 (Minneapolis, MN: K. C. Holter, 1916), 107; 1703 census, in W. S. Rossiter, A Century of Population Growth from the First Census of the United States to the Twelfth, 1780–1900 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1909), 177. Evidence of the Bayards’ domestic life and those of the people they enslaved remains in the trash left behind in their New York privy. The Bayards continued to hold onto their low country origin in the Dutch pipes marked with an “HG,” while evidence of gaming pieces pointed to private moments shared among the enslaved that mirrored those found throughout “several plantations in the South and in Jamaica in the West Indies as well as the Almshouse in Albany.” Anne-Marie Cantwell and Diana diZerega Wall, Unearthing Gotham: The Archaeology of New York City (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001) 173, 173n11, 174.

112. “Census of the City of New-York: About the Year 1703,” in DHSNY1, 611–24. See appendix D for Stuyvesant-Bayard family slaveholding in the 1703 New York City Census.

113. James, The Labadist Colony in Maryland. 5.

114. Works ranging from family to political and dating from the late nineteenth through the present day have chronicled the Bayard family narrative. Such works present the seventeenth-century origins as an antiquarian prelude to the family’s prestige during the Revolutionary and Early national period. James Grant Wilson, Colonel John Bayard (1738–1807) and the Bayard Family of America (New York: Trow’s Printing and Bookbinding, 1885); Stephen Hess, America’s Political Dynasties: From Adams to Clinton (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2016), 281–306.

Chapter 3 Naam

1. Sentence of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:228–29.

2. Examination of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:225–27.

3. Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives, 4.

4. Examination of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:225–27; Venema, Beverwijck, 458, 463, 473, 477, 480. For Barent Emanuelse birth see Ordinary Session, 26 February 1672/3, Kingston Papers, 2: 469–96.

5. Robert was born in Scotland, but spent his formative years in Amsterdam, emigrated to Massachusetts before finally settling in Albany. Leder, Robert Livingston, 10–11; Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 11–12; Livingston, The Livingstons of Livingston Manor, 52–54; Julia Adams, The Familial State: Ruling Families and Merchant Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (2005; reprint Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007), 66.

6. Adams, The Familial State, 65; Power of attorney from Governor Colve to Nicolaes Bayard, in Peter Christoph and Florence A. Christoph, eds. and Charles T. Gehring, trans., The Andros Papers, 1674–1676 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989), 32.

7. Petition of Nicolaes van Rensselaer to be appointed Director of Rensselaerswyck, in Christoph, The Andros Papers, 216. Nicolaes is listed as “Minister of N: Albany etc.” due to his role as co-minister of the congregation.

8. Linda Biemer, Women and Property in Colonial New York: The Transition from Dutch to English Law, 1643–1727 (1979; reprint Ann Arbor, UMI Research Press, 1983), 61.

9. Biemer, Women and Property in Colonial New York, 59; Venema, Beverwijck, 189.

10. Biemer, Women and Property in Colonial New York, x.

11. See Kenneth Scott, “Ulster Co., NY Ct. Recs. 1693–1775,” National Genealogical Society Quarterly (Dec. 1972): 280, quoted in Evelyn Sidman Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam Families of Upstate New York (Baltimore, MD: Gateway Press, 1981), 21.

12. Mr Gerrit van Slichtenhorst, plaintiff, against Elisabeth Claese, widow of Jan Burger, deceased, and Maria Ripse, the wife of Claes Ripse, defendants, 6 March 1676/7, in CMARS, 2:198; Rob1. Sanders, plaintiff, against Gert. van Slichtenhorst, defendant, 6 March 1676/7, in CMARS, 2:204–5.

13. Sentence of Claes Croes and Black Barent, 29 August 1679, in CMARS, 2:437.

14. Among the court members were listed Captain Philip Schuyler, foreman; the fur and slave trader Johannes Wendell; Pieter Bogardus; and Gerrit Hardenbergh, in CMARS 2:436–37.

15. Andrea Mosterman analyzes the relationships and lived experience of both enslaved and enslaver in colonial New York. Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement, chapter 2. See also Oscar Williams, “Slavery in Albany, New York, 1624–1827,” Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 34, no. 2 (2010): 154–68.

16. The Duke of York’s Laws, https://www.nycourts.gov/history/legal-history-new-york/documents/Publications_1665-Dukes-Law.pdf. Sentence of Claes Croes and Black Barent, 29 August 1679, in CMARS, 2:437.

17. Sentence of Claes Croes and Black Barent, 30 August 1679, in CMARS, 2:437.

18. Robert and Alida were married in the Reformed Church at Albany, 9 July 1679. Jeannie F.J. Robison and Henrietta C. Bartlett, eds., Genealogical Records: Manuscript Entries of Births, Deaths and Marriages, Taken from Family Bibles, 1581–1917 (New York: Colonial Dames of the State of New York, 1917), 138.

19. William Shaw to Robert Livingston, 8 Oct 1678, Livingston-Redmond Manuscripts, reel 1; cf. Leder, Robert Livingston, 21n49; Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 19.

20. Nicolaes died on 12 November 1678. Robert and Alida were married on 9 July 1679. For another scholarly readings of their early relationship, see Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 19–24. See also, Biemer, ed. and trans., “Business Letters of Alida Schuyler Livingston, 1680–1726,” New York History 63, no. 2 (April 1982): 182–207.

21. Sentence of Claes Croes and Black Barent, 29 August 1679, in CMARS, 2:437. For more on branding and scars in slavery, see Marisa Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives: Enslaved Women, Violence, and the Archive (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), 124.

22. For the full trial records, see MCARS, 2: 429–44. Thomas Burke provided a detailed reading of the case, including its broader Native context; Burke, Mohawk Frontier, 132; Venema, Beverwijck, 189–90.

23. Acknowledgement of Debt by Jacob Jansen Gardinier to Andries Teller, January 22, 1677, in FOR, 221–22, https://www.newnetherlandinstitute.org/files/4014/2777/5086/Fort_Orange_Records_16561678.pdf.

24. Stephen van Cortlandt to Robert Livingston, 15 November 1691, LP, GLC03107.00200; See also LFP-Trans; Jacobus van Cortlandt to Mr. Jenkins, 15 April 1698, Letter book of Jacobus van Cortlandt, 1698–1800, BV Van Cortlandt. VCM. In the next decade Stephanus would go on to solidify trading connections with Boston’s elite. Samuel Sewall to Jacobus van Courtland, 30 June 1705, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society (Boston: John Wilson and Son, 1886), 313. For a discussion of the Van Cortlandts’ law, political, and business associates see Leder, Robert Livingston, 21, 23–24, 37–38; and Bonomi, A Factious People, 63; Venema, Beverwijck, 90.

25. Charles Foy offers a detailed overview of the prominent place that Malagasy and Senegambian captive Africans had in New York’s mariner culture, noting that enslavers such as Frederick Philipse targeted the Madagascar market searching for experienced mariners. Foy, “Ports of Slavery” (PhD diss., Rutgers University, 2008), 55, 55n61.

26. “An Answer to the Paper given in to the Honble. the Commissioners of the Customs by Mr. William Penn,” 27 March 1697, in The Manuscripts of the House of Lords, 1695–1697 (London: Printed for His Majesty’s Stationery Office by Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1903), 504. Patricia Bonomi notes that Albany residents enthusiastically fought against such trading preference for New York. Additionally, the Van Cortlandts used New York placed proxies to capitalize on the trade, Bonomi, A Factious People, 52–53. For an overview of the trade laws, see Leder, Robert Livingston, 18, 37–38.

27. James Graham to Robert Livingston, 7 April 1679, LP, GLC03107.00037; Leder, Robert Livingston, 37.

28. Robert and Alida were married on 9 July 1679. Cynthia Kierner went into significantly more detail about Robert Livingston’s financial exploits and his relationship with Alida Livingston. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 10–11; Leder, Robert Livingston, 21. See also Biemer, ed. and trans., “Business Letters of Alida Schuyler Livingston, 1680–1726.”

29. James Graham to Robert Livingston, 7 April 1679, LP, GLC03107.00037; Leder, Robert Livingston, 29.

30. For the Caribbean exploits of Robert Livingston’s Van Cortlandt in-laws and financial partners, see Arthur H. Bankoff and Frederick A. Winter, “The Archaeology of Slavery at the Van Cortlandt Plantation in the Bronx, New York,” International Journal of Historical Archaeology 9, no. 4 (Dec. 2005): 293–94. See also Firth Haring Fabend, A Dutch Family in the Middle Colonies: 1660–1800 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1991), 12, 23; and Goodfriend, Before the Melting Pot: Society and Culture in Colonial New York City 1665–1730 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 112. For the financial and family ties of the Philipse to Barbados and the wider Caribbean during the same time, see Kevin P. McDonald, Pirates, Merchants, Settlers, and Slaves: Colonial America and the Indo-Atlantic World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2015), 111.

31. Robert Livingston traded linens with New York merchant John Sharpe. John Sharpe to Robert Livingston, 7 July 1679, LP, GLC03107.00042; Thomas De Lavalle to Robert Livingston, 22 August 1679, LP, GLC03107.00041. “Accompt of Charges Expended upon the Christian Prisoners,” 13 October 1679, LP, GLC03107.01890. James Graham reported to Robert about civil unrest in New York that might slow down the shipment of his goods. James Graham to Robert Livingston, 8 June 1681, LP, GLC03107.00059.

32. The fact that he is referred to in the record as Alida’s enslaved man argues that he was owned by her and not by Robert. Alida van Rensselaer appointed administratix of Domine Nicolaes van Rensselaer’s estate, 31 December 1678, in CMARS, 2:380 (emphasis added). An inventory was taken on January 6, 1678/9, which was mentioned in Robert’s request that the estate be appraised, 7 December 1680, in CMARS, 3:47–48. The estate paid 12 g sewan “to barent Maynderson for a pair of Shoes for the Maid on May 6, in CMARS, 3: 53. There are no enslaved people enumerated in the inventory. A copy of the inventory can be found in CMARS, 3:49–57. But if the enslaved person was owned by Alida outright, they would not have appeared in the inventory.

33. For Dutch seventeenth-century estate practices concerning enslaved people, see David E. Narrett, Inheritance and Family Life in Colonial New York City (1992; reprint Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), 186. For more on enslaved people as moveable property and as means to increase white women’s personal wealth, see Kirsten Denise Sword, Wives Not Slaves: Patriarchy and Modernity in the Age of Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2021), 118-120. Stephanie E. Jones-Rogers, They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners in the American South (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019).

34. Sentence of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:218.

35. Sentence of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:229; Conveyance of a House and Lot from Stoffell Janse Abell to Claes Janse Stavast, in FOR, 196–97, https://www.newnetherlandinstitute.org/files/4014/2777/5086/Fort_Orange_Records_16561678.pdf; A List of the Heads of Families and The Number of Men, Women and Children in Each Household in the City and County of Albany, the 16 June, 1697, The Annals of Albany (Albany, NY: Munsell & Rowland, Printers, 1858), 9:81–89.

36. For the enslaved as servants of members, see Allan J. Janssen, Gathered at Albany: A History of a Classis (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1995), 18. For a detailed reckoning of the wider Black community of Albany County, which included Schenectady, see Burke, Mohawk Frontier, 123–41.

37. Venema, Beverwijck, 233.

38. McDonald, Pirate, Merchants Settlers, and Slaves, 110; Marvin L. Michael Kay and Lorin Lee Cary, Slavery in North Carolina, 1748–1775 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 139–46. John Thornton’s focus on central African naming patterns highlights that some seemingly European sounding names may have been bestowed by Africans in Africa, a point of vital importance to Albany enslaved population’s connection to Dutch Atlantic slaving practices. Thornton, “Central African Names and African-American Naming Patterns,” WMQ 50, no. 4 (October 1993): 727–42; Cheryll Ann Cody, “There Was No ‘Absalom’ on the Ball Plantations: Slave-Naming Practices in the South Carolina Low Country, 1720–1865,” American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (1987): 563–96; Romney, New Netherland Connections, 208–12. See also Laura Álvarez López, “Who Named Slaves and Their Children? Names and Naming Practices among Enslaved Africans Brought to the Americas and Their Descendants with Focus on Brazil,” Journal of African Cultural Studies 27, no. 2 (June 2015): 161–63; Jerome S. Handler and JoAnn Jacoby, “Slave Names and Naming in Barbados, 1650–1830,” WMQ 53, no. 4 (1996): 689–728; John C. Inscoe, “Carolina Slave Names: An Index to Acculturation,” Journal of Southern History 49, no. 4 (1983): 527–54. For a recent examination of naming as evidence reflecting the priorities of enslavement and the slave system, see Sharon Block, Colonial Complexions; Race and Bodies in Eighteenth-Century America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), 85–104. See also Trevor Burnard, “Slave Naming Patters: Onomastics and the Taxonomy of Race in Eighteenth-Century Jamaica,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 31, no. 3 (2001): 325–46, https://www.jstor.org/stable/207085; Stephen Wilson, Means of Naming: A Social History (London: Routledge, 1998), 25–27, 30, 35, 311.

39. Examination of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:226.

40. Examination of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:225.

41. Conveyance of a House and Lot from Stoffell Janse Abell to Claes Janse Stavast, in FOR, 196–97; Bill of Sale of a House and Lot by Thomas Paulussen to Paulus Martense, in FOR, 201; Conveyance of a House and Lot from Paulus Martense to Harme Gansevoort, in FOR, 223; Conveyance of a House and Lot from Mattheus Abrahamse to Paulus Martensen, in FOR, 230–31; Conveyance of a House and Lot from Paulus Martense to Harme Janse, in FOR, 250; Conveyance of Lot from Robert Sanders to Paulus Martense, in FOR, 255–56, https://www.newnetherlandinstitute.org/files/4014/2777/5086/Fort_Orange_Records_16561678.pdf.

42. Examination of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:227.

43. Examination of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:226.

44. Andrea Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement, 62.

45. For the spatial geography of Northeastern slavery, see Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement; Mac Griswold, The Manor: Three Centuries at a Slave Plantation on Long Island (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2013), 165; Alexandra A. Chan, Slavery in the Age of Reason: Archaeology at a New England Farm (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2007), 42–45; Peter Benes, “Slavery in Boston Households, 1647–1770,” in Slavery/Antislavery in New England: The Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife Annual Proceedings 2003, ed. Peter Benes (Boston: Boston University Press, 2005), 21. Wendy Warren succinctly lays out the gulf between the archival evidence and the historio-graphical tradition that New England slaves lived in the same house as their enslavers in New England Bound, 316n71.

46. Case of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary Session, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 2:227. Burke, Mohawk Frontier, 140–41.

47. Case of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary Session, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:227; Hodges, Root and Branch, 49.

48. Hodges, Root and Branch, 51.

49. “It is RESOVED and ORDERED by this Court and the Authority thereof that From and after the Publication of this Order noe Negro or Indian Slaues within this Government Doe prrsume to Goe or Absent themselves from their Mars Houses or Plantation on the Lords Day or any other Vnseasonable time or times without the said Mars Lycence or Consent Ffirst had and Obtaind and Signified by A writing or Tickett under their Hands by the Date thereof, mentioning the time when such Lycence was Given,” Slave Law, 4–6 October 1682, in MCCNY 93–94.

50. See Linda Biemer, ed. and trans., “Business Letters of Alida Schuyler Livingston, 1680–1726,” http://www.jstor.org/stable/23173117; and Biemer, Women and Property in Colonial New York.

51. Even though Robert brought the theft case to the court, he was punished in relation to the case, suggesting that he was held at least partially culpable. Sentence of Tom and Jack, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:229.

52. Jon Parmenter argued that although such religious divisions existed, the Haudenosaunee were reluctant to attack other members of the confederacy. Jon Parmenter, “After the Mourning Wars: The Iroquois as Allies in Colonial North American Campaigns, 1676–1760,” WMQ 64, no. 1 (January 2007): 42–44, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4491596?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents. See also, in David G. Hackett, ed., Religion and American Culture; A Reader, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2003), 61; Annemarie A. Shimony, “Iroquois Religion and Women in Historical Perspective,” in Women, Religion, and Social Change, eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Ellison Banks Findly (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 399.

53. Colin G. Calloway, New Worlds for All: Indians, European, and the Remaking of Early America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 42, 45, 66; Gretchen Lynn Green, in her doctoral dissertation, discusses English blankets known as “strouds” and French efforts to curtail their trade to Native communities. Gretchen Lynn Green, “A New People in an Age of War: The Kahnawake Iroquois, 1667–1760” (PhD diss.; College of William & Mary, 1991), 175, 241, 243, https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623801/.

54. Leder, Robert Livingston, 47.

55. Leder, Robert Livingston, 48; Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 26, 28.

56. Testimony of Jack, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:226.

57. Sentence of Tom, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:229.

58. Leder, Robert Livingston, 38–39.

59. Robert kept up trade connections with Amsterdam as well as a network of associates who assisted him in contesting the Van Rensselaer claim in Amsterdam. Gerard Besselz to Robert Livingston, 29 May 1684, LP, GLC03107.00114; Provisions sent on the pinance William Voerlandt. 1684, LP, GLC03107.05059; Inventory for the Account of Robert Livingston, March 1687, LP, GLC03107.05075. This inventory includes line items for European linens. For his Amsterdam factor see: L.V. Schaick to Robert Livingston, 12 August 1697, LP, GLC03107.00357; L.V. Schaick to Robert Livingston, 14 September 1697, LP, GLC03107.00362. Robert was also trading in Barbados flour with his contact Arent van Dyck. Account of Robert Livingston, 10 July 1683, LP, GLC03107.00104; Account of Robert Livingston, 22 October 1683, LP, GLC03107.00105. By 1686 he had turned his sights toward selling his peltries in London on consignment. John Blackall to Robert Livingston, 1 January 1686, LP, GLC03107.00139; Leder, Robert Livingston, 46.

60. For evidence of Alida managing the contact between Robert and her brother Brandt, see Alida to Robert Livingston, 7 July 1681, LP, GLC03107.02168. Brant Schuyler to Robert Livingston, 21 November 1681, LP, GLC03107.00055; Brandt Schuyler to Robert Livingston, 19 January 1682, LP, GLC03107.00080; For a discussion of the Schuylers as Robert’s way into the beaver economy, see Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 21.

61. Warren, New England Bound, 95.

62. Warren, New England Bound, 109.

63. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 21.

64. Leder, Robert Livingston, 41.

65. Esther Mijers, “Scotland, the Dutch Republic, and the Union: Commerce and Cosmopolitanism,” in Jacobitism, Enlightenment and Empire, 1680–1820, eds. Allan I. Macinnes and Douglas J. Hamilton (New York: Routledge, 2014), 101–3.

66. Examination of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:225–27; Jeannie Robison, Genealogical Record: Manuscript Entries of Births, Deaths and Marriages Taken from Family Bibles, 1581 – 1917 (New York: The Colonial Dames of the State of New York, 1917), 138.

67. The court record only refers to these two women as the wives of Paulus Martense and Claes Janse Stavast. Their names can be found on other colonial and genealogical documents. For Catharina van Kleeck, see Alvin Seaward van Benthuysen and Edith M. McIntosh Hall, The Van Benthuysen Genealogy (Clay Center, KS: Wilson Engraving and Printing Company, 1953), 12–14. For Aefje Gerrits marriage record see Sypher, Liber A-2, 424.

68. Erin Kramer, “‘That she shall be forever banished from this country’: Alcohol, Sovereignty, and Social Segregation in New Netherland,” Early American Studies (winter 2022): 3–42 (forthcoming).

69. Letter of Maria van Rensselaer to Richard van Rensselaer, October 12 1683, VRMP-MVR, NYSL_sc7079-b07-f32_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18682; To Richard van Rensselaer, October 12, 1683, CMVR, 125.

70. Jeremias van Rensselaer, Watervliet, to Oloff Stevensen van Cortlandt, 9 November 1673, VRMP, NYSL_sc7079-b05-f54_p2_ncn, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/18600; To Oloff Stevensen van Cortlandt, CJVR, 450.

71. Will of Gerrit Slichtenhorst, 13 August 1698, in Wills, 11:5.

72. April 1, 1679, CMARS, 2:401; Untitled, April 30, 1679, and The oath of Volkje van Hoese regarding the negress, Albany, May 2, 1679, CMARS, 2:405.

73. Mary Beth Norton, Founding Mothers & Fathers: Gendered Power and the Forming of American Society (New York: Vintage Books, 1997), 225–26.

74. Mr Richard Pretty, sheriff, against Cornelis Michielse, defendant and Sentence, Ordinary session held in Albany, June 3, 1679, CMARS, 2:417–18.

75. Jennifer L. Morgan, “‘Some Could Suckle over Their Shoulder’: Male Travelers, Female Bodies, and the Gendering of Racial Ideology, 1500–1770,” WMQ 54, no. 1 (1997): 171.

76. Kramer, “‘That she shall be forever banished from this country’,” 4–5, 8–9 (forthcoming).

77. Oath of Claes Janse Stavast and his wife and Paulus Martense and his wife against Tom and Jack, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:228.

78. Sentence of Robert Seary and Mingoe, October 1682, in PGCANY, 34.

79. Sentence of Robert Seary and Mingoe, October 1682, in PGCANY, 34.

80. For an example of enslaved people using waterways for escape, see Resolution drawn up by P. Stuyvesant, Willem Cornelisen Oudemarckt, Jacob Loper, Brian Newton, L. Rodenborch, Jan Klaessan Smal, and Marten Dorne, 26 May 1644, Fort Amsterdam on Curaçao in CP, 41–42; Rupert, Creolization and Contraband, 96–97. Kevin Dawson situated waterways as alternative geographies for resistance and defiance. Dawson, Undercurrents of Power, 19.

81. For sophisticated analysis of naming among New Netherland enslaved and free population, see Linda M. Heywood and John K. Thornton, Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 278–85; Romney, New Netherland Connections, 208–12; Dewulf, The Pink-ster King, 37–38. For naming as resistance see Berlin, Many Thousands Gone, 188. See also Handler and Jacoby, “Slave Names and Naming in Barbados,” 699n5. Dawson, Undercurrents of Power, 57–99; Molly A. Warsh, “Enslaved Pearl Divers in the Sixteenth Century Caribbean,” Slavery & Abolition 31, no. 3 (2010): 345–62, https://doi.org/10.1080/0144039X.2010.504540; Warsh, American Baroque: Pearls and the Nature of Empire, 1492–1700 (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 2018), 46.

82. For the ubiquity of Black seamen throughout the Atlantic World by the late seventeenth century, see W. Jeffrey Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 11–13, 51; Dawson, Undercurrents of Power, 19.

83. “An Order Concerning Negros and Indian Slaves,” October 1682, in PGCANY, 37.

84. Higginbotham, In the Matter of Color, 116. For similar actions taken by New York City, see Court Minutes, 7 March 1670/71, New York City Municipal Archives, Records of New Amsterdam, vol. 6, book 1, 36, NYCMA, https://nycma.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/detail/NYCMA~12~12~52~1206344?page=39.

85. William Beekman to John Collier, 4 May 1683, in Wills, 2:436; William B. Aitken, Distinguished Families in America, Descended from Wilhelmus Beekman and Jan Thomasse van Dyke (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1912), 5.

86. Nicolaes Willem Stuijvesant, jm. van N. Jorck en Maria Beeckmans, j.d. als voren, den 5 Maij A°. 1672, in Liber A-2, 525.

87. McDonald, Pirate, Merchants, Settlers, and Slaves, 114.

88. Inventory of all and Singular the goods, Rights, Chattels, and Credits of the Estate of Mr. Adolph. Phillipse, Deceased, New York, January 24, 1749, Adolph Philipse estate records, 1749–1767, NYPL, https://archives.nypl.org/mss/2412; Tom Lewis, The Hudson: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 112.

89. “For the Due Observance of the Lord’s Day,” 15 March 1683, in MCCNY, 1:134; Higginbotham, In the Matter of Color, 117.

90. DRCHNY, 3:321–28.

91. List of the members of the Legislative Council in 1683 and “titles of Acts passed at the Second Session of the First Assembly of the Colony of New York” in Journal of the Legislative Council of the Colony of New York, ed. E. B. O’Callaghan (Albany: Weed, Parsons & Company, 1861), 1:xii, xiii.

92. “A Bill Concerning Masters Servants Slaves Labourers and Apprentices,” 24 October 1684, in, 1:157–58.

93. Frank B. Gilbert, “Early Colonial Charters in Albany,” Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association 8 (Albany: New York State Historical Association, 1909), 252–61, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42889661.

94. Grant of land to Robert Livingston, 29 April 1667, LP, GLC03107.05423; Land patent for Robert Livingston, 27 August 1685, LP, GLC03107.00129; Land Patent for Robert Livingston, 22 July 1686, LP, GLC03107.00142; Lease between Robert Livingston and Mattheus Abrahamse, 28 March 1687, Livingston-Redmond Manuscripts, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library; Singer, “The Livingstons as Slave Owners,” 72.

95. DRCHNY, 3:415.

96. Danny Noorlander, Heaven’s Wrath, 189–190; Romney, New Netherland Connections, 226–27.

97. DRCHNY, 3:547.

98. Gerret Hendericks, Derick up de Graeff, Francis Daniell Pastorius, Abraham up den Graef, “Quaker Protest Against Slavery in the New World,” Germantown, Pennsylvania, 18 April 1688, HC09-10001, manuscript collection 990 B-R, Quakers and Slavery, Haverford College Quaker and Special Collections, http://triptych.brynmawr.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/HC_QuakSlav/id/11.

99. [Anonymous], “A True and exact relation of the Prince of Orange his publick entrance into Exeter,” London 1688, Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, Wing/1105:14, EEBO.

100. The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, 2, no. 1 (January 1871): 36.

101. For more on Jacob Leisler within the context of New York and the Glorious Revolution, see David W. Voorhees, “The ‘fervent Zeale’ of Jacob Leisler,” WMQ, 51, no. 3 (July 1994): 447–72; Voorhees, “Jacob Leisler and the Huguenot Network in the English Atlantic World,” in Strangers to Citizens, Integration of Immigrant Communities in Great Britain, Ireland and the Colonies, 1550–1750, eds. Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton (Sussex Academic Press, 2001), 322–31. Voorhees, “Rotterdam-Manhattan Connections: The Influence of Rotterdam Thinkers upon New York’s 1689 Leislerian Movement,” in Rotterdams Jaarboekje 10, eds. Paul van de Laar, Jan van Herwaarden et al. (Rotterdam, The Netherlands, 2001), 9:196–216; Lawrence H. Leder, “The Unorthodox Domine: Nicholas van Rensselaer,” New York History 35, no. 2 (April 1954): 166, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23153043.

102. IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 104593 (1677).

103. For an analysis of white/black dialogue with regards to the Jacob Leisler affair, see Dewulf, The Pinkster King, 29. For a discussion of the social standing of pro-Leislerians, see Firth Haring Faben, “The Pro-Leislerian Farmer: ‘A Mad Rabble’ or ‘Gentlemen Standing up for Their Rights?’” in A Beautiful and Fruitful Place, edited by Nancy Anne McClure Zeller (Albany, NY: New Netherland Publishing, 1991), 2:29–36. For the allegiance of Anti-Leislerians with the merchant ethnically Dutch elite in Ulster County, see Haefeli, “A Scandalous Minister in a Divided Community,” 373. See also Bonomi, A Factious People, 75–76.

104. “An Account of the Most Remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the Departure of the Vessels, from the Month of November 1689 to the Month of November 1690. My Mons. De Monseignat, Comptroller General of the Marine in Canada,” in DHSNY, 1:297–302; “Mortgage Book B, in County Clk’s Office, Albany,” in DHSNY, 1:302; “List of Ye People Kild and Destroyed,” in DHSNY, 1:304–5. “Lyst of ye Persones which ye French and there Indians have taken Prysoners att Skinnechtady and caried to canida ye 9th day of February 1689/90,” in DHSNY, 1:305–6.

105. Population Return for the City and County of Albany filed by the Sheriff on March 27, 1687 showed “1059: Male, 929: female /Negroes—107: Male. 50: female” for less than 8 percent of the total population “Negro” (using the convention that “Male” and “female” in the first line referred only to white colonists). Peter R. Cristoph, ed., The Dongan Papers, 1683–1688, Part II: Files of the Provincial Secretary of New York During the Administration of Governor Thomas Dongan (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1993), 50–51.

106. Norton, In the Devil’s Snare, 24, 114–16, 305, 313.

107. John Allyn to Robert Livingston, 10 May 1692, LP, GLC03107.00211. The public Hue and Cry was not unprecedented, and had been in use since the English takeover. See Hodges and Brown, eds., “Pretends to Be Free,” 323–27.

108. John Allyn to Robert Livingston, 10 May 1692, LP, GLC03107.00211.

109. Leder, Robert Livingston, 73.

110. C. S. Manegold, Ten Hills Farm: The Forgotten History of Slavery in the North (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 97–98.

111. Leder, Robert Livingston, 73; John Allyn wrote to Robert Livingston at his residence in Stratford (Fairfield County), Connecticut in November 1690. John Allyn to Robert Livingston re: “sorrowful news of the disaster of the fleet,” 18 November 1690, LP, GLC03107.00180.

112. John Allyn wrote to Robert Livingston on several occasions. John Allyn to Robert Livingston re: “sorrowful news of the disaster of the fleet,” 18 November 1690, LP, GLC03107.00180; John Allyn to Robert Livingston re: Mrs. Schuyler’s slave, Livingston’s cattle, 10 May 1692, LP, GLC03107.00211.

113. Approval of Suffield ferry, 1691, in Charles Wilcoxson Whittlesey, Crossing and Re-crossing the Connecticut River: A Description of the River from its Mouth to its Source, with a History of its Ferries and Bridges (New Haven, CT: Tuttle, Morehouse and Taylor, 1938), 51.

114. Approval of Suffield ferry, 1691, in Whittlesey, Crossing and Re-crossing the Connecticut River, 51.

115. John Allyn to Robert Livingston, 10 May 1692, LP, GLC03107.00211. For Allyn’s alliance with the Livingstons see Leder, Robert Livingston, 67–69.

116. Sale, William Holmes to Matthew Allyn, 3 May 1638, quoted in William C. Fowler, “The Historical Status of the Negro in Connecticut,” in the Year Book of City of Charleston for 1900 A.D., ed. Henry B. Dawson (Charleston, SC: Walker, Evans & Cogswell, 1901), 3.

117. For more on Pequot captives as servants, see Michael L. Fickes, “‘They Could Not Endure That Yolke’: The Captivity of Pequot Women and Children after the War of 1637,” NEQ 73, no. 1 (March 2000): 58–81, http://www.jstor.org/stable/366745.

118. Allyn relayed these figures in a report to the Board of Trade and Plantations. Samuel Hart et al., Connecticut as a Colony and as a State, or, One of the Original Thirteen (Hartford. CT: Publishing Society of Connecticut, 1904), 2:504.

119. For Petrus’s mention of John Allyn as his Connecticut contact see Petrus Stuyvesant to Matthias Beck, 28 October 1659, NYSA_A1810-78_V13_0049, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/54428. For John Allyn’s credit purchase of slaves and horses, see Bond of Captain John Allen securing his debt to Matthias Beck, 7 March 1661, NYSA_A1883-78_V17_075, https://digitalcollections.archives.nysed.gov/index.php/Detail/objects/19446. Also in CP, 189.

120. For John Allyn’s relation to John Pynchon, see Carl I. Hammer, Pugnacious Puritans: Seventeenth Century Hadley and New England (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2018), 16.

121. Graham Hodges notes that posting a hue and cry for an absconded man was among the first acts done by English governor Richard Nicolls. Hodges and Brown, eds., “Pretends to Be Free,” xxv. Such notices came with a reward for the slave catcher, one that was written into the New York legal code of 1682. Indians served as slave catchers across the Atlantic world to stem the tide of runaways to free destinations such as Florida. See Sally E. Hadden, Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 15.

122. Leder, Robert Livingston, 66–67. Bonomi, A Factious People, 151.

123. The Chevalier de Callières to Monseigneur, the Marquis of Seignelay, January 1689, in DHSNY, 1:285–86, 290–97; An Account of the Most Remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the Departure of the Vessels, from the Month of November 1689 to the Month of November 1690. My Mons. De Monseignat, Comptroller General of the Marine in Canada, in DHSNY, 1:297–300; “List of Ye People Kild and Destroyed,” in DHSNY, 1: 304–5; Jacob Leisler to Maryland, March 4, 1689/90, in DHSNY, 1:307; Jacob Leisler to the Governor of Boston, March 4, 1689/90, in DHSNY 1:308; Jacob Leisler to the Bishop of Salisbury, March 31, 1690, in DHSNY 1:308; Robert Livingston to Sir Edmund Andros, Hartford, April 14, 1690, in DHSNY, 1:309; Robert Livingston to Captain Nicholson, June 7, 1690, in DHSNY, 1:311–12.

124. Connecticut’s position as line of defense for Albany made the geopolitical situations even more heightened in the neighboring colony. The attacks had Atlantic circulation. New-England’s Faction Discovered; or, A Brief and True Account of their Persecution of the Church of England; the Beginning and Progress of the War with the Indians; and other Late Proceedings there, in a Letter from a Gentleman of that Country, to a Person of Quality. Being, an Answer to a most false and scandalous Pamphlet lately Published; Intituled, News from New-England, etc. in Narratives of the Insurrections 1675–1690, ed. Charles M. Andrews (1960; reprint New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915), 261–62, 266–67. Robert Livingston presented his case for the defense of Albany before Connecticut’s court. A General Court Held at Hartford by Special Order of the Governor, 11 April 1690, in PRCC, 14–15.

125. Burke, Mohawk Frontier, 131.

126. Will of John Olmsted, 20 September 1689, in DECPR, 1:343; Will of Philip Moore, A Free Negro. Hartford, 12 April 1695, in DECPR, 1: 488–89; Will of Ruth Moore, 27 August 1696, in DECPR, 1:574; An Act for Negro and Malatta servants to be maintained by their Masters, 10 October 1700, in PRCC, 1: 375–76, 408; 14 May 1704, in PRCC, 1:516. Allegra di Bonaventura includes the example of the “Negro Mareah” as “one of few other locals to receive a similar grant” of freedom when her “wealthy master, the British-born merchant Alexander Pygan, released from bondage around 1690 when she was in her forties.” di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake, 120.

127. Hodges, Pretends to be Free, xxix.

128. Fitz-John’s personal and family connection to slavery dated to the seventeenth-century Pequot War. Allegra di Bonaventura offers a detailed analysis of the intertwined lives of the Livingstons, Winthrops, and the enslaved Jackson family. Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake, 22, 44–46, 76; Livingston, The Livingstons of Livingston Manor, 67–68; Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 51–52; Warren, New England Bound, 94.

129. Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake, 77.

130. Allegra Di Bonaventura reads John’s own slaveholding background on Manor Livingston into his formative time spent in Connecticut. Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake, 77–83.

131. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 10.

132. Cornelis van Tienhoven’s Answer, 1650, in Narratives of New Netherland 1609–1664, ed. J. F. Jameson, 2nd ed. (1909; reprint, New York: 1967), 364–65.

133. For an examination of this connection, see the discussion of Whan in Warren, New England Bound, 178–80.

134. Peter Hinks, comp., “Slave Population of Colonial Connecticut, 1690–1774,” Yale University Historic Texts & Transcripts, http://glc.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Citizens%20All%20Doc2.pdf.

135. Leder, Robert Livingston, 90n35.

136. Case of Tom and Jack, Extraordinary session held in Albany, 31 March 1682, in CMARS, 3:226.

137. Alida to Robert Livingston, Albany, 26 September 1698, LP, GLC03107.00424. See also LR-Trans.

138. Alida to Robert Livingston, 14 March 1700, LP, GLC03107.00533. Cf. LFP-Trans.

139. Philip Schuyler v. Aert, the Indian and Wamsahkoo, 24 July 1682, in CMARS, 3:275, 281.

140. Alida Livingston to Robert Livingston, 28 March 1698, LP, GLC03107.00405. See also LFP-Trans.

141. Evert mentions “Jan de wilt” putting “3 beavers, and 1 otter and 2 martens,” on his account, sixteen days before Alida mentions the same man in her correspondence. Evert Wendell, “To Do Justice to Him & Myself ”: Evert Wendell’s Account Book of the Fur Trade with Indians in Albany, New York, 1695 – 1726, ed. and trans. Kees-Jan Waterman (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2008), 100; Tom Arne Midtrød, The Memory of All Ancient Customs: Native American Diplomacy in the Colonial Hudson Valley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012), 85.

142. Midtrød, The Memory of All Ancient Customs, 85.

143. Harris, In the Shadow of Slavery, 29.

144. Although the Navigation acts past midcentury were intended to halt the clandestine trade in slaves streaming in from the Dutch Atlantic, these were never successfully enforced. Jan de Vries and Ad van der Woude, The First Modern Economy: Success, Failure, and Perseverance of the Dutch Economy, 1500–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 465. See also Koot, Empire at the Periphery, 127, 197–99. Antiprivateering laws of 1692 and 1699 were passed, in part, to quell the illicit trade in Spanish Indian slaves. Almon Wheeler Lauber, Indian Slavery in Colonial Times: Within the Present Limits of the United States (New York: Longmans, Green, 1913), 162–63, 598.

145. Dewulf, The Pinkster King, 86–87.

146. Such ethnic diversity in a world of racial contingency offered an important counterpoint to the hardening of difference. Jack D. Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples, 2nd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 5, 56, 86, 199, 221, 230, 260. For an examination of the impact of Native enslaved people within a Long Island enslaved community, see Hayes, Slavery Before Race, 168.

147. McManus details that the law was passed in reaction to a feared plot to free the enslaved population in order to fight with the French against Massachusetts. McManus, Black Bondage in the North, 127.

148. William Pitkin to Robert Livingston, Hartford, 23 June 1692, LP, GLC03107.00214; William Pitkin to Robert Livingston, Hartford, 29 September 1692, LP, GLC03107.00221.

149. For more, see Kathryn S. LaPrad, “Thinking Locally, Acquiring Globally: The Loockerman Family of Delaware, 1630–1790” (MA thesis, University of Delaware, 2010), 31, https://udspace.udel.edu/handle/19716/5742. By 1691, the tide had turned against Jacob and Balthazar was appointed executor of the Loockermans estate. Will of Balthazar Bayard, 4 March 1699, in Wills, 1:416–17.

150. The Trial of Col. Nicholas Bayard in the Province of New York for High-Treason, 19 February 1702, in A Complete Collection of State-Trials, and Proceedings Upon High-Treason . . ., ed. Thomas Bayly Howell, 2nd ed. (London: Printed by T. C. Hansard, 1816), 5:427. For a discourse on “antipopery” in Anglo America, see Owen Stanwood, “The Protestant Moment: Antipopery, the Revolution of 1688–1689, and the Making of an Anglo-American Empire,” Journal of British Studies 46, no. 3 (July 2007): 481–508, doi:10.1086/515441.

151. Burrows and Wallace, Gotham, 56; MAAP: Mapping the African American Past, http://maap.columbia.edu/place/22.html; James Trager, The New York Chronology: The Ultimate Compendium of Events, People, and Anecdotes from the Dutch to the Present (New York: Harper Resource, 2003), 20, 22.

152. Stephen van Cortlandt to Robert Livingston, 15 November 1691, LP, GLC03107.00200. LFP-Trans.

153. Maria to Richard van Rensselaer, November 1683, in CMVR, 135.

154. Stephen van Cortlandt to Robert Livingston, 15 November 1691, LP, GLC03107.00200.

Chapter 4 Bond

1. Benjamin Wadsworth, Journal, 1694 in CMHS, 1:104.

2. Benjamin Wadsworth, Journal, 1694 in CMHS, 1:104.

3. Benjamin Wadsworth, Journal, 1694 in CMHS, 108.

4. “Narrative by John Gardiner of Gardiner’s Island, alias Isle of Wight, July 17, 1699,” in LGD, 98–99.

5. “Narrative by John Gardiner,” in LGD, 98–99.

6. Ritchie, Captain Kidd, 180.

7. For more on the Gardiner family history, see Lion Gardiner, Relation of the Pequot Warres (1660; reprint Hartford, CT: Hartford Press, 1901); Gardiner, ed., Lion Gardiner; Steven Gaines, Philistines at the Hedgerow: Passion and Property in the Hamptons (New York: Little, Brown, 1998), 63; Richard Dunn, James Savage, and Laetitia Yeandle, eds. The Journal of John Winthrop, 1630–1649 (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996), 189–90, 190n10.

8. Ritchie, Captain Kidd, 180; Leder, Robert Livingston, 143.

9. Robert Livingston had invested in William Kidd’s Adventure Galley in 1696 alongside William Blackham whose articles of indenture indicated the mission was to combat piracy against ships from “new England Rode Island, New Yorke & Elsewhere.” Articles of Indenture of the Adventure Galley, 7 February 1696, LP, GLC03107.00239. William Blackham sued Robert after his losses in relation to the William Kidd affair. Leder, Robert Livingston, 198–99.

10. Leder, Robert Livingston, 94.

11. Hodges, Root and Branch, 41–42.

12. Leder, Robert Livingston, 94.

13. Foote, Black and White Manhattan, 82.

14. Koot relays from Stephanus’s account book that he exported “flower for Suraname, Curaçao and St. Thomas” as part of a broader trade to between New York City, the Caribbean, and Amsterdam, and London. Stephanus van Cortlandt, Ledger, 1695–1701, NYHS, quoted in Koot, Empire at the Periphery, 207.

15. Robert Livingston’s transcript of conference is in “Propositions by the Sachems of Onondaga and Oneida,” 6 February 1699, in DRCHNY, 4:492–95.

16. New York Colonial Manuscripts, “Lords of Trade to the Earl of Bellomont,” 5 January 1699, in DRCHNY, 4:454.

17. For an estimate of New England’s seventeenth-century enslaved population, see Warren, New England Bound, 10; Margaret Ellen Newell, “Indian Slavery in Colonial New England,” in Indian Slavery in Colonial America, ed. Allan Gallay (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 33. For the rise in Boston’s eighteenth-century slave population, see Hardesty, Unfreedom, 22. Between 1640 and 1650 New Netherland had the largest number of slaves of any North American colony, surpassed by the Chesapeake in 1660. Vivienne Kruger, “Born to Run: The Slave Family in Early New York, 1626–1827” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1985), 11–12. Beginning in the 1730s, between 16–18 percent of New York City’s population was of African descent, making New York City second only to Charles Town, South Carolina, in the percentage of enslaved people. Evarts Greene and Virginia Harrington, American Population before the Federal Census of 1790 (1932; reprint Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing, 1993), 91–101; Edwin Vernon Morgan, Slavery in New York (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1898), 28–29.

18. Leder, Robert Livingston, 10–14, 18–20; Elizur Holyoke to Robert Livingston re: Holyoke’s travel to New York to discuss debt, 3 October 1678, LP, GLC03107.00028.

19. Sewall documented the argument with Mather in the margins of his diary on 20 October 1701. Samuel Sewall, The Diary of Samuel Sewall, ed. M. Halsey Thomas (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1973), 1:43.

20. Samuel Sewall had published a work on eschatology in 1697 with Bartholomew Green and John Allen, which was sold by Richard Wilkins, the same year that he apprenticed his eldest son, Sam to Wilkins in order to learn the bookseller business. Although the elder Sewall published The Selling of Joseph three years later with the same press, he chose to distribute the book privately to a few select friends. Judith S. Graham, Puritan Family Life: The Diary of Samuel Sewall (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 2000), table 2, The “Sending Out” of the Sewall Children, 146.

21. Lords of Trade to the Lords Justices, 12 September 1699, DRCHNY, 4:583; Mr. Robert Livingston to the Lords of Trade, 21 June 1701, DRCHNY, 4:883; Duncan Campbell to Robert Livingston re: the arrest of Captain Kidd, 7 March 1700, LP, GLC03107.00549; Advertisement from John Campbell, Postmaster, The Boston News-Letter, 24 April 1704, https://www.masshist.org/database/viewer.php?item_id=186&mode=large&img_step=2#page2.

22. Robert E. Desrochers, Jr., “Slave-for-Sale Advertisements and Slavery in Massachusetts, 1704–1781,” WMQ 59, no. 3, Slaveries in the Atlantic World (July 2002): 1, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3491467; Ritchie, Captain Kidd, 180.

23. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 52.

24. Albert J. von Frank, “John Saffin: Slavery and Racism in Colonial Massachusetts,” Early American Literature 29, no. 3 (1994): 254–72, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25056983. Von Frank detailed Saffin’s connection to Virginia and his actions in the domestic and Atlantic slave trade.

25. Diary Entry, 11 September 1701, Diary of Samuel Sewall, ed. M. Halsey Thomas (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1973), 452; Ann Marie Plane, Colonial Intimacies: Indian Marriage in Early New England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 118–22.

26. John Saffin, A Brief and Candid Answer to a late Printed Sheet Entitled the Selling of Joseph, 1701, in George Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts (1866; reprint Bedford, MA: Applewood Books, 2008), 251–56.

27. Saffin, A Brief and Candid Answer; Lawrence W. Towner, “The Sewall-Saffin Dialogue on Slavery,” WMQ 21, no. 1 (January 1964): 48–52, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1923355; Newell, Brethren by Nature, 242–43.

28. Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake, 137; Leder, Robert Livingston, 175–76.

29. Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake, 161.

30. John Borland to Robert Livingston, 2 December 1699, LP, GLC03107.00517.

31. Leder, Robert Livingston, 68–69.

32. Waller, Samuel Vetch, 20.

33. James Livingston to Robert Livingston, 4 January 1700, LP, GLC03107.00539.

34. James Livingston to Robert Livingston, 4 January 1700, LP, GLC03107.00539.

35. For more on Scotland’s connection to transatlantic slavery, see T. M. Devine, ed., Recovering Scotland’s Slavery Past: The Caribbean Connection (Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press, 2015).

36. See Rosalind Carr’s Gender and Enlightenment for a discussion of the elite demographics of newspaper readers. Carr, Gender and Enlightenment Culture in Eighteenth-Century Scotland (Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press, 2014), 67.

37. Waller, Samuel Vetch, 79–94.

38. Newell, Brethren by Nature, 198–99.

39. Minutes of the Common Council, 9 April 1700, in MCCCNY, 2:102–3. The ordinance was reinforced seven years later, this time under a different council but one that counted several elite members of the Livingstons’ network as members, such as Abraham Keteltas and Paul Droilhet. Minutes of the Common Council, 27 June 1707, in MCCCNY, 2:323.

40. Klooster, The Dutch Moment, 1–5.

41. Dutch merchants did not necessarily see the fall of New Netherland as an impediment to their efforts to seek out riches and power, but rather as an opportunity. Koot, Empire at the Periphery, 153–54.

42. Klooster, The Dutch Moment, 1–5.

43. “Patent of Hobocken, granted by Petrus Stuyvesant to Nicholas Varlettt, Esqr.,” 5 February 1663, in Charles H. Winfield, History of the Land Titles in Hudson Country, NJ., 1609–1871 (New York: Wynkoop and Hallenbeck, Printers, 1872), 39.

44. Winfield, History of the Land Titles in Hudson County, N.J., 1609–1871, 108n.

45. For Balthazar as schepen in 1673 see Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York 23, no. 37 (Albany: J. B. Lyon, 1916), 631. For evidence of his term as alderman see D. T. Valentine, comp., Manual of the Corporation of the City of New York (New York: Edmund Jones 7 Co. Printers, 1862), 454.

46. “An Ordr of the Common Councell Prohibiting Negroes to worke as porters &c,” 24 July 1686, in MCCNY, 1: 179–80; A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., In the Matter of Color, 118, 118n41.

47. United States Department of the Interior National Park Service. The Bowery Historic District, section 8, page 12.

48. “Commission. The Justice and Magistrates of Bergen to try Emmanuel, a negro slave of the family of Capt. Nicolas Verlett dec’d, for arson,” 15 March 1669–70, in Patent and Deeds and Other Early Records of New Jersey, 1664–1703, ed. William Nelson (1899; reprint Baltimore, MD: Clearfield Company by Genealogical Publishing, 2000), 30–31. On September 12, 1673, and March 8, 1674, and April 18, 1574, Nicholas Bayard was listed as the “secretary” of the colony. He was also present at a council held in Fort James New York on June 20 and September 1, 1686 to determine the boundary line between East and West New Jersey. DRCHNJ, 1:131, 142–43, 517–18.

49. Minutes of the Common Council, 25 April 1691, in MCCCNY, 1:223–24.

50. Minutes of the Common Council, 29 April 1691, in MCCCNY, 1:225–26.

51. An Act for Regulating Negro, Indian and Mallatto Slaves within this Province of New Jersey, in Civil Rights and African Americans: A Documentary History, 18–20; Theodore Sedgwick, Samuel Allinson, and New Jersey Court of Chancery, Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New-Jersey: from the surrender of the government to Queen Anne . . . (Burlington, NJ: Printed by Isaac Collins, Printer to the King, for the Province of New-Jersey, 1776), 5.

52. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Queen relative an Act passed in 1704 for Regulating Negro, Indian and Mulatto Slaves &c in New Jersey, 18 October 1709, in DRCHNJ, 3:473–74.

53. For more on free Black community resistance, see Warren Eugene Milteer Jr., North Carolina’s Free People of Color, 1715–1885 (Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2020).

54. Kammen, Colonial New York, 174.

55. Foote, Black and White Manhattan, 63.

56. An alternate published translation without transcription is included in Evelyn Sidman Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam.

57. “Census of the City of New-York: About the Year 1703,” in DHSNY, 405.

58. Memoranda van Klaverack; Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam, 55–56.

59. New York Deeds, vol. 23:25, quoted in Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam, 28.

60. George Sydenham and Elizabeth Stuyvesant Marriage License, New York Probate Records, 1629–1971, New York Wills 1693–1707 vol 5–6, Image 169. Family Search.

61. Memoranda van Klaverack.

62. “Supplementary agreement between Gerrit van Slichtenhorst and Gerrit Teunissen van Vechten regarding the payment for a negro delivered two months before the appointed time,” 25 May 1680. The enslaved man was named Dick. Notarial Papers, 3: 491; Bill of sale from Gerrit van Slichtenhorst to Gerrit Teunissen van Vechten of a negro named Harry,” 25 May 1680, in Notarial Papers, 3: 492.

63. Nicholaes Willem Stuijvensant, wedr. van Maria Beeckman Elisabeth Slechtenhorst, j.d. van N. Albanien, “jn de Esopus,” 15 September 1681. Marriage of Nicolaes Willem Stuyvesant to Elisabeth van Slichtenhorst, “in the Esopus.” Liber A-2, 543; Midtrød, The Memory of All Ancient Customs, 74–75; for the Dutch using enslaved people to claim the land, see Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement, 15–17.

64. A survey of lands on the Island of New York in the Bowery Division of the outward of the City on the East side of the Kings Road in the current possession of Gerardus Stuyvesant made by order of Anna Prichard [Pritchard] according to decree of the Supreme Court. New York Historical Society. Mss Collection AHMC—Stuyvesant Family Non-circulating.

65. Will of Gerrit Slichtenhorst, 13 August 1698, in Wills, 11:5; See also Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam, 15. Wachter’s genealogy includes several primary source documents reprinted in their entirety.

66. Memoranda van Klaverack.

67. Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam, 28.

68. Pieter van Kampen, wedr. van Susanna Hillarie [ ] wede. van Lovijs Angola, beijde woonende op Stuijvesants bouwerije,” 26 July 1682. Marriage of Pieter van Kampen and the widow of Lovijs Angola, married on Stuyvesant’s bouwerij, Liber A-2, 545.

69. Manuel Pieters, wedr. van Dorothee d’Angola, en Maijken d’Angola, laest wede. van Domingo d’Angola beijde Negroes, en wonende bij Stuyvesants bouwerije, 22 November 1689. Marriage of Manuel Pieters and Maijken d’Angola, and married on Stuyvesant’s bouwerij, Liber A-2, 568.

70. Pieter Lucaszen, vrijen Neger, jm van Cormeskij, en Marijken Jans, vrijen Negrin, jd. op Stuijvensts. bouwerije beijde wonende alhier, 29 October 1691. Marriage of Pieter Lucaszen (free Black) and Marijken Jans (free Black), Liber A-2, 572.

71. RONA, 6:286.

72. “Census of the City of New-York: About the Year 1703,” in DHSNY, 405.

73. Memoranda van Klaverack.

74. Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam, 43–46; for more details on the suit, see Chancery Court Clerk of Queens County, New York, Orders in Chancery, Province of New York, 1701–1802 (Salt Lake City: Genealogical Society of Utah, 1967).

75. Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam, 46.

76. Wachter, Sidman-Sidnam, 53. This section comes from primary source documents reproduced and included in Wachter’s genealogy. While I have been unable to find these documents in another format, I have been able to verify the accuracy of many others reproduced within the work.

77. George Sydenham to Robert Livingston, Claverak, NY, 27 November 1714, LP, GLC03107.01089.

78. For more on the disenfranchisement of white female property owners, see Mary Beth Norton, Separated by their Sex: Women in Public and Private in the Colonial Atlantic World (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011); Zabin, Dangerous Economies, 34; Sword, Wives Not Slaves, 14, 189.

Chapter 5 Family

1. For Ben’s duties and those of the Livingstons’ other captive people, see Alida to Robert Livingston, 14 March 1700, LP, GLC03107.00533; Alida to Robert Livingston, 1 October 1711, LP, GLC03107.00841; Alida to Robert Livingston, 26 October 1711, LP, GLC03107.00843. For Diana’s likely position as a domestic, see Will of Robert Livingston, 25 January 1710, LP, GLC03107.00811; Will of Robert Livingston, 10 Feb 1721, LR-MSS.

2. For Isabel’s family, see Leendert Conyn and Kiliaen Winne’s oath about the Examination of Joh. Dykeman’s negro, 2 February 1715, LP, GLC03107.01103; Will of Robert Livingston, 10 February 1721, LR-MSS; Will of Robert Livingston, 25 January 1710, LP, GLC03107.00811.

3. A map is included in The Memorial History of Boston Including Suffolk County Massachusetts, 1630–1880, ed. Justin Winsor (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1881), 2:xxv. The detail about the inhabitants of the neighborhood, including Colonel Vetch and the purchase history of his property, with neighboring properties is included on xxvi. The plot where their property once stood is now home to a bank and a chain coffee shop with a view of Park Street Station, the southernmost section of Boston Common bordering the foot of Beacon Hill.

4. Benjamin Wadsworth, The Well-Ordered Family or Relative Duties (Boston, MA: Printed by B. Green for Nicholas Battolph at his Shop in Corn-Hill, 1712), Evans Series I Imprints, America’s Historical Imprints.

5. Wadsworth, The Well-Ordered Family, 23.

6. Wadsworth, The Well-Ordered Family, 104.

7. Will of Robert Livingston Sr., 2 August 1728, transcription of “First Lord’s Will” LFP/Box18/Folder 11, CL1988. 38. 18. 11, Clermont; Bequest, December 13, 1729, of a negro girl named Saar by Margarita Schuyler Livingston, Van Rensselaer Family Papers, ca. 1686–1964. SC3282 New York State Library, Box 7 Folder 4, http://www.nysl.nysed.gov/msscfa/sc23282.htm.

8. Williams-Myers, Long Hammering, 13–42. A. J. Williams-Myers offers a fantastic overview of labor in the valley during the colonial period in chapter 2, “Hands that Picked No Cotton”; Michael E Groth’s recent work on the region has illuminated the intermanorial slaveholding context of the region. See Groth, Slavery and Freedom in the Mid-Hudson Valley, chapter 1 (colonial context), 26–27, 38, for his treatment of the Livingston family.

9. Mary Beth Norton, In the Devil’s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 (New York: Alfred Knopf, 2002); Roberto Flores De Apodaca, “‘Jethro, Who Saved Taunton’: An African Man’s Captivity Narrative during King Philip’s War,” Journal of American Studies (2020), 1–24. doi:10.1017/S002187582000136X.

10. Hartman, “Venus in Two Acts,” 4.

11. Will of Robert Livingston, 10 February 1721, LR-MSS.

12. Robert to Alida Livingston, 18 October 1710, LP, GLC03107.00819. Cf. LFP-Trans.

13. Leendert Conyn oath about the Examination of Joh. Dykeman’s negro, 2 Feb. 1714/1715, LP, GLC03107.01103.

14. Zabin, Dangerous Economies, 42.

15. The Hallett murder dragnet widened, stoking fears of a conspiracy and two other enslaved men were put to death. It also occasioned the passage of “An Act for preventing the conspiracy of slaves.” The Boston Weekly News-Letter, Feb. 9 (detailed the murder) and Feb 23, 1708 [page 2] (detailed the executions), Early American Newspapers; James Riker, Jr., The Annals of Newtown in Queens County, New-York (New York: Published by D. Fanshaw, 1852), 142–43.

16. John Winthrop Jr. to Peter Stuyvesant, Winthrop Family Papers, vol. 5 (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1947), 298–99.

17. On November 12, 1707, Samuel Vetch purchased from Col. Tho. Wenham “affd Earthenware and a negro girl,” a payment that he made using credit forwarded from his father-in-law Robert Sr. Account of Samuel Vetch, 14 May 1726, LP, GLC03107.00673.

18. The Manifesto Church: Records of the Church in Brattle Square, Boston, with Lists of Communicants, Baptisms, Marriages and Funerals, 1699–1872, ed. Ellis Loring Motte, Henry Fitch Jenks, and John Homans, 2nd ed. (Boston: Benevolent Fraternity of Churches, 1902), 130.

19. In his 1710 will Robert Livingston wrote: “I do further give and grant to my sd. Daughter Johanna two negro girls called Eva & Gritta both Daughters of Diana.” Will of Robert Livingston, 25 January 1710, LP, GLC03107.00811.

20. Otterness, Becoming German, 97–103.

21. Propositions made to the Mohawks, 28 June 1710, Mohawks Answer, 3 July 1710, LP, GLC03107.02098. Midtrød convincingly argues that the Mohawk’s resistance against Hunter’s planned Schoharie settlement is what led to Manor Livingston as the chosen site. Midtrød, The Memory of All Ancient Customs, 161.

22. Robert to Alida Livingston, 21 July 1711, LP, GLC03107.02191. Cf. LFP-Trans.

23. Leder, Robert Livingston, 214, 214n7.

24. DRCHNY, 5: 238–41; Otterness, Becoming German, 100.

25. Robert to Alida Livingston, 21 September 1711, LP, GLC03107.02207. LFP-Trans.

26. Alida to Robert Livingston, 1 October 1711, LP, GLC03107.00841.

27. DRCHNY, 5: 238–41; Otterness, Becoming German, 100.

28. Alida to Robert Livingston, 29 October 1711, LP, GLC03107.00844. See also LFP-Trans. Alida to Robert Livingston, 7 April 1692, LP, GLC03107.00212. See also LFP-Trans.

29. Alida to Robert Livingston, 5 November 1711, LP, GLC03107.00848: Mr. Dirk Wessels has arrived here and said that Schipper had fled with his whole family from 8 French Indians who were seen there (hnr. Dirk Wessels blyf heir angekomen en zei doch Schipper met zyn gehele vammelie gevlu[cht] zyn van 8 frocnhe wilden die daar gezien). Our Negroes have been near the [Schuyler] flats writes Filip (Onze neggers zijn bij de Vlocckete [Vlackte] geweest sryft [schrijft] Filip) and he sent Indians after them and did not get them but has Indians out again (en hy set [zend] wilde daar op hyt en hebben ze niet gekregen maar set [zend] weer wilde uit) and there is a firewatch going on and there they may catch them if they wanted to get to Canada (en daar is een brant wocght [brandwacht] uit en daar pakken ze mogen krygen soo [zo] ze naa [r] Kannada wonde [wooden]). Cf. LFP-Trans.

30. “AN ACT to prevent the running away of Negro Slaves out of the Citty and Couty of Albany to the French at Canada,” 4 August 1705, in CLNY, 1:582–84.

31. Philip to Alida Livingston, 28 October 1713, LP, GLC03107.02242: I have received his letter from Canada (heb aen Canada Zijn brief ontfangen) but I could not convince our negros to go home (maer [maar] Conde [Kon] niet te weegh brengen [teweeg brengen] om onse [onze] negers die daer zijn te bewillignen om near huys te gaen) they say that they wanted to stay there (Sy Seyden dat Sy daer worden blyven) and as long as they say that there is no means to get them from there (& so Langh als sy dat Zeggen is daer geen apperceptie om haer daer van daen te Crygen) but to have them abducted by Indians which will cost quite a bit for the Indians are quite afraid of the French (als door wilden te laten Steelen & welk vry wast kosten sall want de wilden syn zeer bevreest voor de franse). Cf. LFP-Trans.

32. In the Woordenboek der Nederlandse Taal (Dictionary of the Dutch Language), the word consenteeren is defined as “give permission for, agree with, accept or agree with” (toestemming geven voor, zich akkoord verklaren met, instemmen met). Bewilligen is defined as “to make someone willing, to move them to act, to persuade” (Iemand tot iets willig maken, hem tot iets bewegen, overhalen). Verwilligen is defined as “to make someone willing or inclined, to acquire a person’s permission for something” (tot iets bereid of genegen vinden of overhalen, iemands toestemming voor iets verwerven). These terms are no longer in regular use, but have been replaced by the more modern toestemmen “to agree or to convince.”

33. In the Dutch Act of Abjuration (Plakkaat van Verlatinge) of 1581, the notion of consent appears four times. The first in relation to the consent of the king of Spain, and the second in terms of the consent of the people. The term used is consente (by gemeynen accoorde ende consente van heure leden), which is the closest phrase conceptually to the American Declaration of Independence’s “the consent of the governed.” The concept of slavery likewise appears in the text of the document, five times. Plakkaat van Verlatinge, 1581, Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, Netherlands Archief van de Staten-Generaal, 1.01.01.01, inventarisnummer 254G; For an online transcription that retains the original spelling see https://www.law.kuleuven.be/personal/mstorme/verlating.html; for a modern Dutch transcription see http://www.nederlandseonafhankelijkheidsdag.nl/geschiedenis/placcaat-van-verlatinghe-in-modern-nederlands; for an English translation consult http://www1.umassd.edu/euro/resources/netherlands/25.pdfm. For more on the international influences on the American Declaration of Independence, see David Armitage, the Declaration of Independence: A Global History (2007; reprint Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008).

34. Waller, Samuel Vetch, 234.

35. DRCHNY, 5: 238–41; Otterness, Becoming German, 100; Robert Livingston to Lawrence Smith, 2 April 1712, in DHSNY, 3:681.

36. “An Act for reviving and Continuing an Act, Entituled, an Act to prevent the running away of Negroe Slaves out of the City & County of Albany to the French at Canada,” 21 July 1715, in CLNY, 1:880–81.

37. Kenneth Scott, “The Slave Insurrection in New York in 1712,” New York Historical Society Quarterly 45, no. 1 (January 1961), 62–67.

38. Walter Rucker centralized African identity in the planning of the revolt, offering a deep and insightful treatment of the moment’s lasting impact for Black communities and as reflective of slaveholders’ ethnic prejudices in choosing African captives. Walter C. Rucker, The River Flows On: Black Resistance, Culture, and Identity Formation in Early America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008), chapter 1; Margaret Newell centralized the Native context of 1712 and how it influenced the passage of legal statues across the region. Newell, Brethren by Nature, 207–10.

39. John Borland to Philip Livingston, 14 April 1712, LP, GLC03107.02402.

40. News, Boston News-Letter, 21 April 1712, EAN.

41. Hardesty, Unfreedom, 22.

42. George Vane to (the Earl of Dartmouth?), Annapolis Royal, 5 May 1712, Co 217/31, British Colonial State Papers, Proquest; Donald F. Chard, “The Impact of Ille Royale on New England, 1713–1763” (PhD diss., University of Ottawa, 1977); Waller, “Vetch, Samuel,” in DCB, 2.

43. For Robert Livingston’s actions following New York’s Slave Revolt in 1712 and the subsequent passing of the act, see Kenneth Scott, “The Slave Insurrection in New York in 1712,” New York Historical Society Quarterly 45, no. 1 (January 1961): 47–52, 58–59, 68, 71; Otterness, Becoming German, 147, 147n46.

44. Margaret’s letter to her father Robert Sr. details that John had told her about his relationship with Elizabeth Knight while Mary was sick during one of his many trips to Boston. Margaret Livingston Vetch to Robert Livingston, Sr., Boston, 29 June 1713, LP, GLC03107.01015.

45. For Joanna’s news concerning Mary’s illness, see Joanna Livingston to Robert Livingston, 19 November 1712, LP, GLC03107.00944. She also informed her parents of Mary’s death. Joanna Livingston to Robert Livingston, 18 January 1713, LP, GLC03107.00999.

46. Joanna Livingston to Robert Livingston, 13 July 1713, LP, GLC03107.01018.

47. Joanna’s letter, addressed to her father, informed her parents she had arrived in Boston safely, but was ill. Joanna to Robert Livingston, 1 June 1713, LP, GLC03107.00964.

48. Joanna to Robert Livingston, 13 July 1713, LP, GLC03107.01022.

49. More than four hundred Bostonians died—about 18 percent of them people of color—at a time when Black people were only 4 percent of the total population. News, “Burials within the Town of Boston, in the Year 1714,” Boston News-Letter, 7 March 1714, page 2, EAN; Nicole Saffold Maskiell, “Cicely Was Young, Black and Enslaved—Her Death during an Epidemic in 1714 Has Lessons that Resonate in Today’s Pandemic,” The Conversation, December 2, 2020; Nicole Saffold Maskiell, “‘Here Lyes the Body of Cicely Negro’: Enslaved Women in Colonial Cambridge and the Making of New England History,” NEQ 94, no. 2 (2022) (forthcoming).

50. Samuel Vetch to Robert Livingston, 28 December 1713, LP, GLC03107.01045; Samuel Vetch to Robert Livingston, 25 January 1714, LP, GLC03107.01043; For mention of the epidemic see John Livingston to Robert Livingston, 1 January 1714, LP, GLC03107.01047; Elizabeth Mather, her newborn twins, and two-year-old daughter died during the epidemic. Cotton Mather, Diary (Boston: The Society, 1911), 2: 254–62.

51. Antonio T. Bly, “‘Pretends he can read’: Runaways and Literacy in Colonial America,” Early American Studies 6, no. 2 (fall 2008): 261–94, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23546575.

52. Alida to Robert Livingston, 26 October 1711, LP, GLC03107.00843. Cf. LFP-Trans.

53. Leendert Conyn oath about the Examination of Joh. Dykeman’s negro, 2 Feb. 1714/1715, LP, GLC03107.01103.

54. Robert to Alida Livingston, 21 April 1714, LP, GLC03107.02249. No negroes procurable that are worth a penny; maybe they will come through (geen negros te crygen [te krijgen] dat en [een] Stuyver wurt [waard] syn misshien sal dorcomen [door komen]). Cf. LFP-Trans.

55. Robert to Alida Livingston, 28 April 1714, LP, GLC03107.02251. They are such beautiful negroes as I have yet seen & do not sell them for less than 50£, please, for they are worth it (Sy syn sulk schoune [schoon] negers als ik yt gesien & [gehandelen] niet minder als 50£ ver copen want zy zyn ‘t waart). One, the oldest, speaks good English, has been a sheep herder, was born in Jamaika; the other was born in his land, knows nothing but negro (De ons de auts [oudste] spraakt gout [good] Engsle [Engels] heft shaap kudde [shaapskudde] geweest, is van Jamaika geborn [geboren] , de ander is een uyt zyn Landt geborn [geboren] , ken niet als negro). Cf. LFP-Trans.

56. Alida to Robert Livingston, 21 May 1714, LP, GLC03107.01098. Jeremie got the negro boy who knows English for £50 he shall pay us when you come (Jeremie got die negher Jonghe die enghels ken voor 50lb ons u komt sal ons naartoe betaeln) and the other was too small [for] Japick (en die ander was voor Japick te kliene) Roelof has the small one for £50 to be paid in winter so that for Japick you should send up a big one like Jeremie’s (Roelof heft het klennige voor 50lb in winter te betalen soo dat u voor Japick de groote van [als] Jeremie hier op moet steur zyn [stuur zijn]). Cf. LFP-Trans.

57. “A List of the Inhabitants and slaves in the County of Dutchess. 1714,” in Lists of Inhabitants of Colonial New York: Excerpted from the Documentary History of the State of New-York, ed. Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan (1979; reprint Baltimore, MD: Clearfield Company by Genealogical Publishing, 2007), 17.

58. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 94.

59. Johannes Dijkeman, Jr. was born in Albany around 1662. Marjorie Dikeman Chamberlain, Johannes Dyckman of Fort Orange and his Descendants, vol. 1, The First Five Generations (West Rutland, VT: Daamen, 1988), 20.

60. Jaap Jacobs, email message to author, 28 May 2021.

61. Indenture of service of Johannes Dyckman to Tryntie Jochims, the wife of Abraham Staets, 10 April 1676 in Albany Records, 3: 339; Chamberlain, Johannes Dyckman, 20.

62. Chamberlain, Johannes Dyckman, 20.

63. Burke, Mohawk Frontier, 140–41. For Johannes’s land, see A History of the Schenectady Patent in the Dutch and English Times; Being Contributions Toward a History of the Lower Mohawk Valley, comp. Johnathan Pearson, ed. J.W. Mac Murray (Albany: Albany: Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1883), 211.

64. Burke, Mohawk Frontier, 100–108.

65. “List of People Killed and Destroyed,” in DHSNY, 1: 304–5.

66. “Lyst of ye Persones whi ye French and there Indians have taken Prysoners at Skinnechtady and carried to canida ye 9th day of February 1689/90,” in DHSNY, 1: 305–6.

67. “List of the Goods sent from New York and received from Monsr Jan Hendricksen Bruin and Johannes Proofoost to be distributed among the Refugees of Schoonechtede,” in Pearson, A History of the Schenectady Patent, 266.

68. He was listed as a debtor on Robert Livingston’s estate in 1715. In 1715 he was also listed as being a captain in the militia. “The Mills of Livingston Manor,” in The Law Practice of Alexander Hamilton: Documents and Commentary, ed. Julius Goebel Jr. and Joseph H, Smith, chapter 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1 980), 9n19.

69. Leder, Robert Livingston, 87, 157.

70. Rucker, The River Flows On, 29.

71. Leendert Conyn oath about the Examination of Joh. Dykeman’s negro, 2 Feb. 1714/1715, LP, GLC03107.01103.

72. Payment to Jacob Plough from the Supervisors of Dutchess County “upon the Business of a Negro of Johanns Dickman that Wass Burnt,” 3 June 1720, in Book of the Supervisors of Dutchess County, New York, A.D. 1718–1722 (Poughkeepsie, NY: Vassar Brothers’ Institute, 1907), 33; Chamberlain, Johannes Dyckman, 1: 21, 21n16.

73. Will of Robert Livingston, 10 February 1721, LR-MSS.

74. Jennifer van Horn , The Power of Objects in Eighteenth-Century British America (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 273–76, 302–3.

75. Maskiell, “‘Here Lyes the Body of Cicely Negro.’”

76. Bradish Family of Cambridge and Long Island, http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2001.05.0228%3Achapter%3D27&force=y.

77. Alida Livingston to Robert Livingston, 7 June 1722, LP, GLC03107.01451: I hear what Naetye thinks granddaughter Veets has said about the negro woman (Ik hoor wat Naetye denkt dat nichte [kleindochter WDNT] Veets over de negerin heeft gezegd). Bradis said that the negro woman said she was always ill and he asked Veets about that (Bradis zei doct de negerin zei dat ze altyd ziek was en dat zij daarover Veets vroeg). And she sent for the negress and he said he wanted to buy her; and she set a price for her, but the negress said she did not want to be sold and said what illness she had (En ze stuurde naar de negerin en hij zei dat hij haar wilde kopen; En zij heeft haar geprijzen, maar de negerin zei dat ze niet verkoght wilde en zei welke ziekte ze gaat). Cf. LFP-Trans.

78. Account of Samuel Vetch, 14 May 1726, LP, GLC03107.00673.

79. Will of Robert Livingston, 2 August 1728, transcription of “First Lord’s Will” LFP/Box18/Folder 11, CL1988. 38. 18. 11, Clermont.

80. Roberta Singer’s “The Livingstons as Slaveowners” is the only article that provides an extended analysis of the Livingston’s slaveholding practices on the Manor. Linda Biemer and Allegra DiBonaventura cover some aspects of their slaveholding practices as well. Roberta Singer, “The Livingstons as Slave Owners: The ‘Peculiar Institution’ on Livingston Manor and Clermont,” in The Livingston Legacy: Three Centuries of American History, ed. Richard Wiles (Annandale-on-Hudson, NY: Bard College, 1987), 67–97; Biemer, ed. and trans., “Business Letters of Alida Schuyler Livingston, 1680–1726”; DiBonaventura, For Adam’s Sake.

81. Alida to Robert Livingston, 3 May 1717, LP, GLC03107.01168. Cf. LFP-Trans.

82. Robert to Alida Livingston, 13 May 1717, LP, GLC03107.02264. Cf. LFP-Trans.

83. Alida to Robert Livingston, 5 November 1720, LP, GLC03107.01347. Cf. LFP-Trans.

84. Alida to Robert Livingston, 13 June 1722, LP, GLC03107.01453. Cf. LFP-Trans.

85. Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake, 10.

86. Alida to Robert Livingston, 13 June 1722, LP, GLC03107.01453. Cf. LFP-Trans.

87. Robert to Alida Livingston, 19 June 1722, LP, GLC03107.02290: I am sorry to hear that Joe has become so cunning (Tis my Leedt [Leedt = verdriet, smart, iemand aangedaan. WDNT] om te horren dat Joe so slim is gewordt). [I] have never found fault with him. ([ik] heb noijt aan hem kunnis niet). [I] hope that is may pass off ([Ik] hoop dat zal ontmagh gaan). Cf. LFP-Trans.

88. Kathleen Brown noted that Virginians William Byrd II and Landon Carter administered herbal punishments to their captive people. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, 353 .

89. Alida to Robert Livingston, 23 June 1722, in Biemer, ed. and trans., “Business Letters of Alida Schuyler Livingston,” 206.

90. Tam (enslaved) and Japick (Palatine) travel delivering goods, described in Alida to Robert Livingston, 3 May 1717, LP, GLC03107.01169; See also LFP-Trans. Alida to Robert Livingston, 22 May 1717, LP, GLC03107.01174. See also LFP-Trans.

91. Alida to Robert Livingston, 5 November 1720, LP, GLC03107.01347: I am having trouble enough here with our folks (Ik heb hier trobbel genoeg met ons volck.). Tam does not do anything and does not want to do anything and is fat and slick (Tam doet niets en wil [niets] mit doen en is vet en gladt [“gladt,” heeft ook de betekenis dat hij niet te vertrouwen is]). He wants to keep his letter himself, he said, or he will do evil (Hy wil zyn brief zelfs bewaren zei hy, of hy zal quaet [kwaad] doen). I am afraid he will do something evil—set something on fire—so I am sending him to be sold or to be sent away (Ik ben bangs dat hy snigs dings quaet [kwaad] sal doen, om yts [iets] in de brant te steken, soo ik zend hem om te verkoopen of te versonden [verzonden]) for he is not working and refuses to look after anything (want hy verbef niet en weigert voor iets te zorgen). I let him leave (Ick heb hem laten laten) And the High-Dutch woman has had him for 4 days (en de Hoogh duitse vrou heeft hem 4 daghen ghehad) and she did not get it sorted (en zy hent hem gesort niet). She says additionally that he might be willfully doing it in order to get away (dienchts dat zy zegt hy mocht wil [willens] doet om weg te naartoe). Have him sold or sent away (Laat hem verkoght of versonden). Our people who have brought up the 66 beasts are not at home yet; I hope they will fetch a healthy price (Ons volck die de 66 beesten opgebrought [opgebracht] hebben, zyn nog niet thuis; Ick hoop dat ze zyn gezonig prys sal beringhen [brengen]). Cf. LFP-Trans. For the wider meaning of gladt, Saskia Coenen Snyder, email message to author, 10 April 2020.

92. Last will and testament (Robert Livingston), 22 September 1722, LP, GLC03107.01366; Alida to Robert Livingston, 7 July 1721, LP, GLC03107.01409. See also LFP-Trans.

93. Tobias was scoping out the land he had inherited from his father that bordered the Roeloff Jansen’s Kill. This was one half of a conveyance Robert had sold to his father, Dirck Wesselsz. The inheritance came with farm animals and “one of my negroes.” Will of Dirk Wesselsz ten Broeck, 4 February 1715, in Early Records of the City and County of Albany and Colony of Rensselaerswyck, Jonathan Pearson, trans. and A.J.F. van Laer, ed. (Albany, 1869–1919), 4:159.

94. Alida to Robert Livingston, 22 April 1721, LP, GLC03107.01392: Our Gysbert’s [Gilbert’s] negro had run away (onze gysbert negher was wegh gheloopen [weg gelopen]). Yet they caught him again [and] beat him very much (doch ze hem weer kreghen [krijgen] sloeg hem heb’n heel veel) and in 10 days [he] died from disorder (en in 10 docghen [dagen] uyt [uit] beordigheit gestorven). And he then suffered so much damage by it (en he [hij] toen soo veel schod [schade] door). Cf. LFP-Trans. For information on Johannes Dyckman’s continued life on the manor see Chamberlain, Johannes Dyckman, 21–22.

95. Alida to Robert Livingston, 16 November 1717, LP, GLC03107.01218. Cf. LFP-Trans.

96. Alida to Robert Livingston, 3 December 1717, LP, GLC03107.01219. Cf. LFP-Trans.

97. In his 1721 will Robert gave Dego and his daughter to Joanna: “I do give and bequeath to my Daughter Joanna wife of Cornelius van Horn a negro man named Dego who I [illegible] do give and for with negro daughter Alida.” Will of Robert Livingston, 10 Feb 1721, LR-MSS.

98. Alida to Robert Livingston, 25 May 1722, LP, GLC03107.01448: Give Deko your old hat if it is outdated (Gheef [geef] Deko je oude hoed als het is bestant [Bestand: “In staat zijnde, voldoende, toereikend tot datgene wat eene bepaling noemt. Thans verouderd.” WDNT]). Cf. LFP-Trans.

99. Alida to Robert Livingston, 20 August 1722, LP, GLC03107.01487. Cf. LFP-Trans.

100. Cornelius van Horne to Robert Livingston, 10 March 1724, LP, GLC03 107.01553.

101. Alida Vetch wed Stephen Bayard, 12 March 1725, RRCNY, 43.

102. Stephen Bayard to Robert Livingston, 12 November 1725, LP, GLC03 107.01740.

103. Robert to Alida Livingston, 7 September 1725, LP, GLC03107.02347. Cf. LFP-Trans.

104. Robert to Alida Livingston, 15 September 1725, LP, GLC03107.02351.

105. Robert Livingston to Alida Livingston, 27 May 1726, LP, GLC03107.02378: I thought that Dego would bring the old saddle that has been mended (Ick doght [dacht] dat Dego de ouds Saal [zadle] soud [zou] oft brungen [bringen] and gemaakt is worden). Then I shall buy a good bridle (Souds [Zou] d in een goeds Toom Coopon [kopen]). Cf. LFP-Trans.

106. Alida Livingston, Memorandum for New York, 6 September 1725, LP, GLC03107.01684: Deko has the buccaneer [gun] to get it fixed (Deko heft [heft] de boeka[-]nier om te laete maken). Cf. LFP-Trans.

107. Robert to Alida Livingston, 20 May 1726, LP, GLC03107.02373: He bought a leg of mutton for 3 sh. 9d., without order, in the place of some ox-meat (Coght [Kocht] hij een Shaps Beit [schaapbeen] van 3sh 9d sonder order in ‘t plats van wat ons vleys). Had there been no ox-meat, I could have bought him a ham for the same amount of money. And now I must also buy him a ham (hadden geen ons vleys geweest Ik kon hem een ham gekogt hebben voor hetself [de] gelt en nu moet ik hem weer een ham Coupen [kopen]) . Cf. LFP-Trans.

108. Robert to Alida Livingston, 20 May 1726, LP, GLC03107.02373: In the margin: I have not bought Dego a ham for I cannot spare 6d [pence] for a pound of ham for a negro. He can eat butter and bread until he comes home (Ick heb Dego geen ham gekocght maar [ik] kan niet 6d uitgeven voor en Pond ham voor een neger Hy mogh Butter een Broot eten tot dat thuis comt). Cf. LFP-Trans.

109. Robert Livingston to Alida Livingston, 31 May 1726, LP, GLC03107.02380. Cf. LFP-Trans.

110. Will of Robert Livingston, Sr., 2 August 1728, transcription of “First Lord’s Will” LFP/Box18/Folder 11, CL1988. 38. 18. 11, Clermont.

Chapter 6 Market

1. United States Department of the Interior National Park Service. The Bowery Historic District, section 8, page 12; Stokes, Iconography, 6:75–76.

2. News, “A Law Prohibiting the Sale of Meal by Measure,” New-York Weekly Journal, 6 March 1737, 1, EAN; “A Law to Prohibit Negroes and Other Slaves Vending Indian Corn Peaches or Any other Fruit within this Ceity,” MCCNY, 4:497–98.

3. MCCNY, 4:497–98.

4. Account of Captain Langdon for the Ship Oswego Packet, July 1736– October 1737, LP, GLC03107.02548.

5. Michael J. Douma, “Estimating the Size of the Dutch-Speaking Slave Population of New York in the 18th Century,” Journal of Early American History (forthcoming).

6. IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 107711 Byam (1730); IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 107716 Byam (1731); IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 107675 Francis (1730); IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 107693 Francis (1730); IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 107717 Francis (1731); IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 107736 Francis (1731).

7. IAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 101576 Bohemia industry (1731).

8. Saxby, The Quest for the New Jerusalem, 314.

9. Between 1718 and 1734, five voyages owned by elite members within the Livingstons’ larger circle of family and business associated brought thirteen enslaved people from Curaçao to New York. DIHSTA, 3:466, 469, 481, 484, 497. On August 5, 1745, Robert Livingston took out an insurance policy on the sloop Griffen in advance of its voyage from New York to Curaçao. On August 7, 1745, Robert Jr. insured the sloop Deboras for its voyage between Philadelphia and Curaçao. On June 23, 1746, Robert Jr. purchased an insurance policy for the sloop Charity for its voyage between New York and Curaçao. On September 23, 1746, Robert Jr. insured the Jamaica Packet for its voyage from New York to Curaçao. On January 22, 1747, Robert Jr. insured the sloop Stork in advance of its return voyage from Curaçao to New York; Insurance policy for the sloop Griffen, 5 August 1745, LP, GLC03107.02718; Insurance policy for the sloop Deboras, 7 August 1745, LP, GLC03107.02719; Insurance policy for the sloop Charity, 23 June 1746, LP, GLC03107.02726; Insurance policy for the Jamaica Packet, 23 September 1746, LP, GLC03107.02727; Insurance policy for the sloop Stork, 22 January 1747, LP, GLC03107.02730.

10. Pedro De Wolf to Robert Livingston & Comp., 30 January 1739, LP, GLC03107.02581.

11. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, 2 September 1740, LP, GLC03107.02601.

12. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, 5 September 1740, LP, GLC03107.02602.

13. Benjamin L. Carp, “Did Dutch Smugglers Provoke the Boston Tea Party?” Early American Studies 10, no. 2 (spring 2021): 340–41, 50–52, https://www.jstor.org/stable/23547671; Robert Parkinson, The Common Cause: Creating Race and Nation in the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina Press, 2016), 642.

14. Insurance policy for the brigantine Ancram, 23 April 1741, LP, GLC03107.02618; Insurance policy for the brigantine Ancram, 16 August 1741, LP, GLC03107.02628; For enslaved people on this voyage of the Ancram see DIHSTA, 3:508; Insurance policy for brigantine Ancram, 17 September 1742, LP, GLC03107.02663; Insurance policy for the brigantine Ancram, 15 November 1742, LP, GLC03107.02671.

15. Invoice of sundry goods shipped to Robert Livingston, Jr., 8 June 1732, LP, GLC03107.02503; DIHSTA, 3:496.

16. Invoice of goods shipped to Robert Livingston Jr., 28 October 1734, LP, GLC03107.02516.

17. Philip Livingston to Dirk van Veghten Jr., 14 July 1735, LP, GLC03107.02468.

18. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, 23/27 November 1739, LP, GLC03107.02589.

19. Michael McMenamin, “Bittersweet: The American Revolution and New York City’s Sugar Industry,” https://blog.mcny.org/2015/06/30/bittersweet-the-american-revolution-and-new-york-citys-sugar-industry/.

20. Burrows and Wallace, Gotham, 119–20.

21. For the importance of agriculture to the settlement of new Netherland, see Ruth Piwonka, “‘. . . and I have made good friends with them’: Plants and the New Netherland Experience,” New York History 89, no. 4 (fall 2008): 397–425. For a fantastic treatment of the enslaved and free Black labor extracted toward this effort, see Romney, “Reytory Angola,” 58–78, specifically 62n38, which offers an overview of the heavy toll imposed on these free families to turn over half of the very labor intensive wheat crop. Burrows and Wallace, Gotham, specifically the chapter entitled “In the Kingdom of Sugar,” 118–37.

22. “An Act to Enable the Justices of the Peace in Ulster County to Build a Court House & Goal for the said County & to Enable them to dispose of the old County house & Goal & the Lott of Gound it stands on & to Enjoine the Supervisors to raise the Charge or Executing ye negore therein Mentioned,” passed October 14, 1732, in CLNY, 2:763; See also A. J. Williams-Myers, Long Hammering, 4n17.

23. Lepore, New York Burning, 72; “The New-York Weekly Journal,” The News Media and the Making of America, 1730–1865, https://americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/items/show/109; Rucker, The River Flows On, 17–58.

24. The New-York Gazette, #415, October 1, 1733, in “Pretends to Be Free,” eds. Hodges and Brown, 9.

25. Stanley Nider Katz, Introduction to A Brief Narrative of the Case and Trial of John Peter Zenger, Printer of the New York Weekly Journal (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), 5–9, https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674730687; List of the Palatines Remaining at New York 1710, DHSNY, 339–41; Names of the Palatine Children Apprenticed by Gov. Hunter 1710–1714, DHSNY, 341–42.

26. Devine, Recovering Scotland’s Slavery Past: the Caribbean Connection, 63, 76, 87; DIHSTA, 3:508.

27. Singer, “The Livingstons as Slave Owners,” 74–75.

28. Wayne Bodle, “‘Such a Noise in the World’: Copper Mines and an American Colonial Echo to the South Sea Bubble,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 127, no. 2 (2003): 131–65. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20093617.

29. John Bezís-Selfa, “Slavery and the Disciplining of Free Labor in the Colonial Mid-Atlantic Iron Industry,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 64 (summer 1997): 270, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27774063.

30. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, December 1740, LP, GLC03107.02607.

31. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 70–71.

32. Advertisement, The South-Carolina Gazette, 12 August 1732. Accessible Archives.

33. Advertisement, The South-Carolina Gazette, 16 February 1734, 2 October 1736. Accessible Archives.

34. Advertisement, The South-Carolina Gazette, 14 July 1739. Accessible Archives.

35. Mark Smith, ed., Stono: Documenting and Interpreting a Southern Slave Revolt, xi–xiii, 55–56.

36. Lepore, New York Burning, 50–51.

37. Common Council Meeting, April 11, 1741 in MCCNY, 5:17.

38. Lepore, New York Burning, 154–55.

39. DIHSTA, 3:507–8; Wilder, Ebony and Ivy, 57–58.

40. William Yeomans to Robert Livingston, 9 May 1741, LP, GLC03107.02619.

41. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, 20 July 1741, LP, GLC03107.02624.

42. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, 20 July 1741, LP, GLC03107.02624.

43. Philip to Robert Livingston, Jr., Manor Livingston, 1 June 1745, LP, GLC03107.02715.

44. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, 15 May 1745, LP, GLC03107.02714.

45. Philip to Robert Livingston, 15 May 1745, LP, GLC03107.02714.

46. Philip to Robert Livingston, Jr., 1 June 1745, LP, GLC03107.02715.

47. Lepore, New York Burning, 175n7.

48. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 51, 51n5, 72.

49. Kierner, Traders and Gentlefolk, 70.

50. Philip Livingston to Robert Livingston, 15 May 1745, LP, GLC03107.02714.

51. Bezís-Selfa, “Slavery and the Disciplining of Free Labor,” 270–71.

52. Bezís-Selfa, “Slavery and the Disciplining of Free Labor,” 270–71.

53. Bezís-Selfa, “Slavery and the Disciplining of Free Labor,” 270–71.

54. Bezís-Selfa, “Slavery and the Disciplining of Free Labor,” 270–71.

55. Bezís-Selfa, “Slavery and the Disciplining of Free Labor,” 270–71.

56. For an analysis of the transport of skilled artisans from Barbados to South Carolina, see Ramona Arlen La Roche, “‘Bajan to Gullah’ Cultural Capital: Wood, Stone, Iron, and Clay 1670 to 1770” (PhD diss., University of South Carolina, 2017), https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/4454. For the impact of skilled artisans, see Joe William Trotter, Workers on Arrival: Black Labor in the Making of America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2019), 5, 6, 8; see also William S. Pollitzer, The Gullah People and their African Heritage (1999; reprint Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005), 87, 167–68; Emma Hart, Building Charleston: Town and Society in the Eighteenth-Century British Atlantic World (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2010), 78–80.

57. Harry Bischoff Weiss and Grace M. Weiss, Trades and Tradesmen of Colonial New Jersey (Trenton, NJ: Past Times Press, 1965), 83.

58. Bezís-Selfa, Forging America: Ironworkers, Adventurers, and the Industrious Revolution (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), 107–12. For the use of overwork and other methods, including the effect of ironworking on disrupting enslaved connections in the North, see Bezís-Selfa, Forging America, 112–20.

59. David Lindsey to Robert Livingston, 29 November 1748, LP, GLC03107.02750.

60. Samuel Green Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations (1859; reprint Carlisle, MA: Applewood Books, 2015), 2:118.

61. Clark-Pujara, Dark Work, 19.

62. Last will and testament of Philip Livingston, 15 July 1748, LP, GLC03107.02493.

63. John Livingston to Robert Livingston, 23 February 1741, LP, GLC03107.02613.

64. Philip Livingston to John DeWitt, 24 February 1741, LP, GLC03107.04431; Philip Livingston to John DeWitt, 27 February 1741, LP, GLC03107.04434.

65. P. DeWitt to Robert Livingston, 6 March 1749, LP, GLC03107.02757.

66. Misevich, “In Pursuit of Human Cargo,” 200–201.

67. Misevich, “In Pursuit of Human Cargo,” 200.

68. Robert Livingston to Peter DeWitt, 29 July 1749, LP, GLC03107.04449.

69. Advertisement, New-York Evening Post, 31 July 1749, EAN; Misevich, “In Pursuit of Human Cargo,” 204.

70. Peter van Brugh Livingston to Robert Livingston, 14 June 1751, LP, GLC03107.02798.

71. Mosterman, Spaces of Enslavement, 70.

72. Peter van Brugh Livingston to Robert Livingston, 26 February 1752, LP, GLC03107.02840.

73. Jane Fletcher Fiske, Gleanings from Newport Court Files, 1659–1783 (Boxford, MA: J. F. Fiske, 1998), #845.

74. Henry Livingston to Messrs. Peleg Thurston and Company, 13 July 1754, quoted in DIHSTA, 3:145n3.

75. Henry Livingston to Robert Livingston, 10 February 1764, LP, GLC03107.03007.

76. Friendship Estate, “Legacies of British slave ownership,” accessed 16 July 2019, https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/estate/view/2524.

77. Will of Henry Livingston, in Wills, 31:180.

78. Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Johnson, 2 July 1752, Columbia University Library.

79. Rachel Page, “‘A pleasant good Family’: Domestic Enslavement in Samuel Johnson’s Household, 1723–1772,” https://columbiaandslavery.columbia.edu/content/pleasant-good-family-domestic-enslavement-samuel-johnsons-household-1723-1772#/_ftnref79.

80. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, 1 April 1765, 3, EAN.

81. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, 8 June 1752, 3, EAN.

Chapter 7 Identity

1. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, #452, 24 June 24, 1734, in “Pretends to Be Free,” eds. Hodges and Brown, 10.

2. Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives, 16–17.

3. Jared Hardesty questions the “prism of freedom,” as an ahistorical unit of analysis, offering instead that the enslaved defended “a set of customary rights they believed they possessed” but navigated “a world where freedom could be just as fraught as slavery.” Thus, Hardesty convincingly argues that “the enslaved became masters of their status.” Hardesty, Unfreedom, 182. Holly Brewer argues that a turn away from a hierarchal world of inherited status to a more republican ideology occurred in the eighteenth century, and that hereditary slavery was “part of a patriarchal, neo feudal ideology where property and status were, ideally, fixed by lineage.” Brewer, By Birth or Consent: Children, Law, and the Anglo-American Revolution in Authority (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 352, 352n11.

4. Judith wed the mariner Samuel Vincent on December 3, 1717, although she had been married once before to a man named John Smith. On April 10, 1722, Samuel Vincent’s Sloop Adventure, arrived in Perth Amboy “from St. Domingo.” Arrival of the sloop Adventure, American Weekly Mercury, 12 April 1722, in DRCHNJ, 11:61. On April 30, 1726, his sloop Anne and Judith arrived with four enslaved people from the French West Indies. Arrival of Anne and Judith, 30 April 1726, in DIHSA, 3:511. On November 8, 1726, the Anne and Judith, departed Perth Amboy for St. Christopher. Departure of the sloop Anne and Judith, American Weekly Mercury, 3–10 November 1726, in DRCHNJ, 11:113. Two years before placing the runaway slave advertisement, Judith Vincent attended “a meeting of the Common Council” on October 11, 1734. She was there in order to ensure that “the Water Lott No. 2 on the Dock St. and wharfe fronting to her tenement may be granted to her son John Smith & his heirs on the same conditions as to the other grantees & that the Mayor execute a quitclaim thereto.” Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of America (1884; reprint New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1899), 254–55. For more on this runaway slave advertisement see Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 61; Jacqueline Jones, American Work: Four Centuries of Black and White Labor (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998), 137.

5. Anna Stuyvesant Pritchard named several Stuyvesant relatives in her will, bequeathing to her nephew, Petrus Stuyvesant “a gold ring, a pair of gloves, and a mourning hat band,” and to another nephew, Nicholas William Stuyvesant, her “jewel box, a Tortoise shell box, a shell cup tipped with silver, and all my plate, 2 plain gold rings, 4 damask table cloths, and 2 dozen napkins.” Will of Anna Pritchard, 7 June 1759, in Wills, 5:323–24.

6. Graham Hodges notes that such skilled enslaved New Jersey men worked in animal husbandry, as “blacksmiths, coopers, carpenters, and farriers; some could also work on privateers and fishing boats.” Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 45.

7. Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 45.

8. Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 45. For the public debate over such skilled slave work among New York City’s white coopers, see Foote, Black and White Manhattan, 77.

9. Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 47–48.

10. Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 45.

11. Rhode Island newspapers were replete with runaway slave advertisements during the eighteenth century. Maureen Taylor and John Wood Sweet have offered edited compendiums of such advertisements. Sweet, Bodies Politic, 258n52; Maureen Alice Taylor and Sweet, Runaways, Deserters, and Notorious Villains from Rhode Island Newspapers (Camden, ME: Picton Press, 1994). For recent work on slavery in Rhode Island see Clark-Pujara, Dark Work.

12. John Allyn to Robert Livingston, 10 May 1692, LP, GLC03107.00211. For slavery in Connecticut, see Di Bonaventura, For Adam’s Sake.

13. For Canada as a destination for runaway slaves and the policing of the roads from Albany to New England, see chapter 4. For a runaway enslaved person named Simon identified as formally owned by a “rebel” captured by Mohawks and brought to Fort Chambly during the American Revolution, see Frank Mackey, Done with Slavery: The Black Fact in Montreal, 1769–1840 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2010), 394.

14. Dawson, Undercurrents of Power, 19.

15. For a discussion on the challenge to mastery posed by illicit slave movement, see Warren, New England Bound, 202, 202n47.

16. Advertisement, New-York Weekly Journal, #360, 27 October 1740, in “Pretends to Be Free,” eds. Hodges and Brown, 16–17; Advertisement, New-York Weekly Journal, 27 October 1740, 4, EAN.

17. The Philipses were the largest slaveholders in the region, with the bulk of the enslaved people located in the “upper mills” in Tarrytown, New York. Kevin McDonald examines a case of a runaway enslaved man named Calico Jack who had been owned by Frederick Philipse over fifty years before Galloway’s case. Frederick, like Alida, used his personal networks to track Calico Jack to Connecticut, until losing his trail. For years Frederick continued to pursue the man, extending the dragnet to Madagascar. McDonald, Pirates, Merchants, Settlers, and Slaves, 99; Leslie Harris, “The Greatest City in the World? Slavery in New York in the Age of Hamilton,” in Historians on Hamilton: How a Blockbuster Musical is Restaging America’s Past, eds. Renee C. Romano and Clare Bond Potter (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2018), 82; Harris, In the Shadow of Slavery, 28–29.

18. Will of John Breeze, 4 August 1742, in Wills, 3:407.

19. This document was advertised for sale in 1909 for five dollars in The Collector: A Magazine for Autograph and Historical Collectors. It was described as “a complaint on the case of Paul Richards (Mayor of New York) who says that Johannes de Bryne had enticed away a ‘negro woman known as Elizabeth of the value of thirty pounds,’ and two other negroes.” Sale Notice for Autograph Document Signed, Paul Richards case in The Collector: A Magazine for Autograph and Historical Collectors 22 (January 1909): 30.

20. Paul Richards Representative for New York, Twenty-Third Colonial Assembly, 1741–1745, in Civil List and Constitutional History of the Colony and State of New York, ed. Edgar A. Werner (Albany: Weed, Parsons, 1889), 405.

21. Jill Lepore noted that “when Adam sent for Quack to come to a plotting meeting, Quack, ‘being at Mr. Richard’s with his Wife, refused to go.” Lepore, New York Burning, 150.

22. Will of John Breeze, 4 August 1742, in Wills, 3:407.

23. Zabin, Dangerous Economies, 46, 46n49.

24. Newell, Brethren by Nature, 203–4.

25. Maeve Kane argued that such work was gendered and that Haudenosaunee women combined indigenous materials like leather with European goods to create a fashion that changed with cultural interaction. Kane, “Covered with Such a Cappe: The Archaeology of Seneca Clothing 1615–1820,” Ethnohistory 61, no. 1 (winter 2014): 2, 1–25. For work that discusses gender inversion of norms in the work of enslaved African rice workers, see Judith Ann Carney, Black Rice: The African Origins of Rice Cultivation in the Americas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 120.

26. Lepore, New York Burning, 8, 17, 25, 28–29, 35, 44, 49, 149–50, 167–69.

27. Foy, “Ports of Slavery, Ports of Freedom,” 112–13.

28. Prince Hall was enslaved to leather dresser William Hall from 1749 to 1770. Richard S. Newman, “Prince Hall, Richard Allen, and Daniel Coker: Revolutionary Black Founders, Revolutionary Black Communities,” in Revolutionary Founders: Rebels, Radicals, and Reformers in the Making of the Nation, eds. Alfred F. Young, Gary B. Nash, and Ray Raphael (2011; reprint Vintage Books, 2012), 307.

29. Daniel Horsmanden, A Journal of the Proceedings in the Detection of the Conspiracy Formed by Some White People, in Conjunction with Negro and other Slaves, for Burning the City of New-York in America, and Murdering the Inhabitants, in The New York Conspiracy Trials of 1741: Daniel Horsmanden’s Journal of the Proceedings with Related Documents, ed. Serena Zabin (Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2004), 87; Lepore, New York Burning, 256.

30. Advertisement, Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia), #1169, 9 May 1751, in “Pretends to Be Free,” eds. Hodges and Brown, 39; See also: Advertisement, Pennsylvania Gazette, 9 May 1751, 3, EAN.

31. Before the stagecoach route was established, travelers had to arrange their own methods to traverse the forty miles that separated Bordentown to Philadelphia ferry. Tom might have been compelled to walk the forty miles to Bordentown in order to catch the ferry to Philadelphia. For more on the ferry, see John P. Wall and Harold E. Pickersgill, History of Middlesex County, New Jersey, 1664–1920 (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing, 1921), 2:377; “Bordentown City,” https://delawareriverheritagetrail.org/Bordentown-City.html.

32. Enslaved Malagasy people traded directly from Madagascar to Perth Amboy in order to avoid the duties levied in New York. Thomas, The Slave Trade, 207. For Perth Amboy as being a destination for Akan-descended captive peoples some who came directly from the Gold Coast and many within Caribbean communities of sizeable Akan populations, see Kwasi Konadu, The Akan Diaspora in the Americas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 193. For more on this multiethnic community see Goodfriend, Before the Melting Pot, 114.

33. Advertisement, American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia), #773, 24 October 1734, in “Pretends to Be Free,” eds. Hodges and Brown, 11.

34. For the proliferation of Moravian missions, see “Introduction,” in The Moravian Mission Diaries of David Zeisberger, 1772–1781, eds. Hermann Wellenreuther and Carola Wessel (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005). They also include a detailed appendix with the names of such settlements.

35. For Indigenous peoples’ actions as go-betweens, see James H. Merrell, Into the American Woods: Negotiators on the Pennsylvania Frontier (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), 88; Jane T. Merritt, At the Crossroads: Indians and Empires on a Mid-Atlantic Frontier, 1700–1763 (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 103–21; Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (1991; reprint New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 389–90. See also, Sherman Day, Historical Collections of the State of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: George W. Gorton, 1843), 138.

36. Darold D. Wax, noted that “as early as 1684” enslaved people had been brought into the region via the Delaware River, although the trade increased exponentially after the 1750s. “Africans on the Delaware: The Pennsylvania Slave Trade, 1759–1765,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 50, no. 1 (January 1983): 38–49, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27772875.

37. Jean Soderlund argues that the slave population of Philadelphia would have been 7.4 percent of the city, with imports steadily rising. See Soderlund, “Black Importation and Migration into Southeastern Pennsylvania, 1682–1810,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 133, no. 2 (June 1989), table 2, 147, 144–53, https://www.jstor.org/stable/987045. See also Richard Wojtowicz and Billy G. Smith, “Fugitives: Newspaper Advertisements for Runaway Slaves, Indentured Servants, and Apprentices,” in Life in Early Philadelphia: Documents from the Revolutionary and Early National Periods, ed. Billy G. Smith (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), 92.

38. Thomas, The Slave Trade, 207.

39. Elsa A Nystrom, “John Woolman (1720–1772),” in Slavery in the United States: A Social Political, and Historical Encyclopedia, ed. Junius P. Rodriguez (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2007), 1:520.

40. Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 9.

41. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 16633. Catherine (1731); Hodges, Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North, 9.

42. TAVoyage, Voyage ID no. 25318. Catherine (1733).

43. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, 27 March 1769, in EANRJ, 26:406.

44. White, Middle Ground, 389–90.

45. Custom House List, “Outward Entries: Sloop Wolf, Gur. Wall for Coast of Africa,” New-York Gazette, 14 August 1749, 3, 18 September 1749, EAN.

46. Custom House List, “Inward Entries: Sloop Wolf, Gur. Wall from Coast of Africa,” New-York Gazette, 13 May 1751, 2, EAN; TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 25340. Wolf (1751); Advertisement, New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, 13 May 1751, 3, EAN; DIHSTA, 3:451.

47. For a discussion of the term likely, see Sharon Block, Colonial Complexions, 49–51.

48. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, 6 November 1752, 3; 13 November 1752, 3; 20 November 1752, 4; also run in New-York Mercury, 6 November 1752, 3, EAN.

49. Custom House List, “Inward Entries: Sloop Wolf,” New-York Gazette, 13 May 1751, 2, EAN. Craig Wilder explores the horrid conditions on board the Wolf, which were described in the diary of the ship’s Harvard-trained surgeon, William Chancellor, and contrasts them with the Livingstons’ dispassionate pursuit of prestige. Wilder, Ebony and Ivy, 60–65. See also Wax, “A Philadelphia Surgeon on a Slaving Voyage to Africa, 1749–1751,” 491.

50. Jacques Arends, Language and Slavery: A Social and Linguistic History of the Suri-name Creoles (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2017), 134. See also Rebecca Shumway, The Fante and the Transatlantic Slave Trade (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2011).

51. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, 12 March 1750, 4; 19 March 1750, 4; March 26, 1750, EAN.

52. Runaway slave advertisement, New-York Weekly Post-Boy, #534, 23 April 1753, in “Pretends to Be Free,” eds. Hodges and Brown, 45.

53. Simon Moore v. Samuel Bayard, John Tabor Kempe Papers, Box 12, Folder 2, NYHS. For a transcription of the document see the appendix.

54. For more details on the examination and fate of Pompey, see Daniel Horsmanden, The New-York Conspiracy (1744; reprint New York: Printed and Published by Southwick & Pelsue, 1810), 173, 179, 190, 220, 269. Phaeton, Pompey, and Ben were enslaved by Nicholas, Samuel, and Stephen Bayard respectively and were all implicated in the conspiracy. Phaeton and Ben were released. Lepore, New York Burning, 262–63.

55. Stephen Bayard to Robert Livingston, 12 November 1725, LP, GLC03107.01740.

56. Simon Moore v. Samuel Bayard, John Tabor Kempe Papers, Box 12, Folder 2, NYHS.

57. Simon Moore v. Samuel Bayard, John Tabor Kempe Papers, Box 12, Folder 2, NYHS.

58. Paul Heinegg, Free African Americans of North Carolina, Virginia, and South Carolina: From the Colonial Period to About 1820 (1992; reprint Baltimore, MD: Printed for Clearfield Company by Genealogical Publishing, 2005), 2:845.

59. Simon Moore v. Samuel Bayard, John Tabor Kempe Papers, Box 12, Folder 2, NYHS.

60. Advertisement, New-York Mercury, 31 July 1758, EAN.

61. Advertisement, New-York Mercury, 13 August 1759, EAN.

62. The State of New Jersey v. Dierck Ten Broek, 17 May 1783, box 47, Alexander Court Papers, NYHS.

63. Gabriel Furman was married to Abigail Howard. Arthur Walbridge North, The Founders and the Founding of Walton, New York: Being an Intimate Historical Sketch of the Making of an American Settlement in the Critical Period Immediately Preceding the Adoption of the Federal Constitution (Walton, NY: Walton Reporter Company, 1924) . 47. The family immigrated to New Netherland when Stuyvesant was director, though their ethnic identity was likely Welsh. James Riker Jr., Annals of Newtown, Queens County, New York (New York: D. Fanshaw, 1852), 399n. He was a veteran of the Revolutionary War, had fought during the Battle of Long Island, and was held as a war prisoner. After the freedom case, he became a Federalist and Aldermen of New York City. In 1796 a call by the republican attorney William Keteltas that Furman be removed from office presaged the Keteltas affair and the subsequent loss of power by New York’s Federalist Party. For the details of Furman’s war service, see “Irving, John Treat,” in The Memorial Cyclopedia of the Twentieth Century: Comprising Memoirs of Men and Women . . . (New York: Publishing Society of New York, 1906), 94. For more on his role in the Keteltas affair, see Alfred F. Young, The Democratic Republicans of New-York: The Origins, 1763–1797 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1967).

64. The State of New Jersey v. Dierck Ten Broek, 17 May 1783, box 47, Alexander Court Papers, NYHS. For a full transcription of the case see the appendix.

65. Washington, Sojourner Truth’s America, 22.

66. The drama of his story and the flourishes added points to the performativity of the testimony as it was read to the court. For scholarship on the development of this performative culture and its links to colonial preaching and revival culture, see Sandra M. Gustafson, Eloquence Is Power: Oratory and Performance in Early America (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 141. For links to eighteenth-century British theater culture, see Crime, Courtrooms, and the Public Sphere in Britain, 1700–1850, ed. David Lemmings (2012; reprint London: Routledge, 2016), 94.

67. James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, A Narrative of the Most Remarkable Particulars in the Life of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African Prince, as Related by Himself, trans. Walter Shirley (Bath: W. Gye, 1772), 10.

68. Gronniosaw, A Narrative, 11.

69. In 1717, his father, also named John van Horne, became a co-owner of the slave ship Dragon, along with his brothers Garret and Abraham as well as four other investors. The six-gun brigantine Dragon arrived in New York and unloaded 106 enslaved Africans from unspecified areas of Africa which, judging from other slave voyages, were likely the Bight of Benin or the Sierra Leone Estuary, in New York before continuing on to Virginia with six captive people aboard. That same year he also purchased ownership with his family in the Catherine and Mary, whose sixty surviving enslaved people were sold in New York. A year later, the Catherine and Mary would, like the Dragon, sail for New York and then continue on to Virginia, leaving sixty-four and forty-five enslaved people in each port respectively. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 25320. Dragon (1717); TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 25366. Catherine and Mary (1718).

70. TAVoyages, Voyage ID no. 27230. Revenge (1750).

71. Will of Elnathan Field, 12 July 1735, in Wills, 28: 473–74; Riker, Annals of New-town, 159; The Forman Genealogy: Descendants of Robert Forman of Kent Co., Maryland, Who Died in 1719–20; also Descendants of Robert Forman of Long Island, New York Who Died in 1671: The Forman Family of Monmouth Co., New Jersey; Together with Notices of Other Families of the Name of Forman, comp. Anne Spottswood Dandridge (Cleveland, OH: The Forman-Bassett-Hatch, 1903), 140.

72. News, “News Report from New-York, January 9,” Boston News-Letter, 15 January 1739, EAN.

73. The State of New Jersey v. Dierck Ten Broek, 17 May 1783, box 47, Alexander Court Papers, NYHS.

74. Baptism of Alida Vetch, 29 June 1724, Thomas Grier Evans, ed., Records of the Reformed Dutch Church in New Amsterdam and New York: baptisms from 25 December, 1639, to 27 December, 1730 (New York: New York Genealogical and Biographical Society, 1901) 1:449. Eighty-three other female children were baptized in that church during the year 1724, and many of them to “first rank” families, such as the Van Dams, Beekmans, Schuylers, Van Cortlandts, Ten Eyk, Rutgers, and de Peysters. Evans, Records of the Reformed Dutch Church in New Amsterdam and New York, 1:446–54.

75. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, 4 February 1751, EAN.

76. Advertisement, New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, 18 February 1751, 25 February 1751, 25 March 1751, 6 May 1751, EAN.

77. Advertisement, New-York Mercury, 16 June 1755, EAN.

78. Advertisement, New-York Mercury, 23 June 1755, 30 June 1755, 14 July 1755, 11 October 1756, 18 October 1756, 8 November 1756, 15 November 1756, and 22 November 1756, EAN.

79. Will of John van Horne, 1733, in the Somerset County Historical Quarterly, ed. A. Van Doren Honeyman (Somerville, NJ: Somerset County Historical Society, 1915), 4:245–46; Will of James van Horne, 29 October 1760, in Wills, 6:123.

80. The State of New Jersey v. Dierck Ten Broek, 17 May 1783, box 47, Alexander Court Papers, NYHS.

81. See also the discussion of the emergence of partus in chapter 2.

82. Christopher Tomlins, “Transplants and Timing: Passages in the Creation of an Anglo-American Law of Slavery,” Theoretical Inquiries in Law 10, no. 2 (July 2009), 406–7.

83. “An Act for Regulating Negro, Indian and Mallatto Slaves within this Province of New-Jersey,” 12 December 1704, The New Jersey Digital Legal Library, comp. Paul Axel-Lute, http://njlegallib.rutgers.edu/slavery/acts/A11.html. This act was repealed on October 24, 1709. Sharon Block, Rape and Sexual Power in Early America (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia by the University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 151, 151n38; Tomlins, “Transplants and Timing,” 413.

84. Tomlins, “Transplants and Timing,” 413.

85. An Act for Regulating of Slaves, 11 March 1713/14, NJDLL, http://njlegallib.rutgers.edu/slavery/acts/A13.html; Tomlins, “Transplants and Timing,” 414.

Conclusion

1. Advertisement, New-York Journal; or, the General Advertiser, 14 March 1771, no. 1471, 291, EAN. This advertisement was rerun three more times in the New-York Journal; or the General Advertiser, and appeared four times in the Boston-Gazette and Country Journal. Advertisement, New-York Journal; or, the General Advertiser, 21 March 1771, no. 1472, 293; 28 March 1771, no. 1473, 303; 11 April 1771, no. 1475, 315; Advertisement, Boston-Gazette and Country Journal, 25 March 1771, no. 833, supplement 3; 1 April 1771, no. 834, supplement 4; 8 April 1771, no. 835, supplement 1; 15 April 1771, no. 836, 4; EAN.

2. Biographical information about the Bayards in Maryland and Philadelphia, including John Bayard’s journey to visit family in New York and Massachusetts, can be found in Wilson, Colonel John Bayard, 410.

3. In his thesis, John Randall Howard argued that Samuel Bayard most likely constructed the Great House and postulates that that would make the Great House “one of the earliest remaining original dwellings in Cecil County, Maryland.” John Randall Howard, “Origins and Architecture of Great House Plantation” (MA thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 2004), 4, 42.

4. Thomas Kidd recounts Whitefield’s experiences in the Chesapeake and North and South Carolina. Kidd, George Whitefield: America’s Spiritual Founding Father (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 94–115. Jessica M. Parr focuses on Whitefield’s relationship to slavery. Parr, Inventing George Whitefield: Race, Revivalism, and the Making of a Religious Icon (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2015), 67, 71, 101, 114. Lepore also notes that slaveowners found Whitefield’s reflection on the harsh state of slaves, incendiary, and that “throughout the colonies, men blamed Whitefield for their rebellious slaves.” Lepore, New York Burning, 187–88.

5. George Whitefield, “Letter to the Inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina,” 17 April 1740, Pennsylvania Gazette, EAN.

6. Wilson, Colonel John Bayard, 6.

7. Wilson, Colonel John Bayard, 6.

8. Wilson, Colonel John Bayard, 6.

9. Wilson, Colonel John Bayard, 6.

10. Ira Berlin, “Slavery, Freedom, and Philadelphia’s Struggle for Brotherly Love, 1685 to 1861,” in Antislavery and Abolition in Philadelphia: Emancipation and the Long Struggle for Racial Justice in the City of Brotherly Love, ed. Richard Newman and James Mueller (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2011), 19–24. For the increasing popularity of antislavery sentiment among Franklin’s cohort, see David Waldstreicher, Runaway America: Benjamin Franklin, Slavery, and the American Revolution (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004), 195–204, 230–36; Soderlund, “Black Women in Colonial Pennsylvania,” 58.

11. Wilson, Colonel John Bayard, 7.

12. Benjamin Franklin, “A Conversation on Slavery,” The Public Advertiser, 30 January 1770, in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 17, January 1 through December 31, 1770, ed. William B. Willcox (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1973), 17:37–44, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-17-02-0019.

13. New arrivals to New York noted the broad participation of the African American community in the Pinkster festival. Dewulf, The Pinkster King, 58.

14. Antonio Bly posits that Toby may have been from northern New York or New England and “planned to return home” based on the presence of runaway slave advertisements in the New-York Journal and Boston Gazette, but absence of any runaway slave advertisements in “extant newspapers of Pennsylvania, Virginia, or South Carolina.” Antonio T. Bly, “A Prince among Pretending Free Men: Runaway Slaves in Colonial New England Revisited,” Massachusetts Historical Review 14 (2012), 103, 103n46, 118, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5224/masshistrevi.14.1.0087.

Appendix A

1. The State against Tierck Tenbroeck on Habeas Corpus of Negro Philip for Manumission, in Cases Adjudged in the Supreme Court of New-Jersey Relative to the Manumission of Negroes: And Others Holden in Bondage (Burlington, NJ: Printed for The New-Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery by Isaac Neal, 1794), 13.

2. The State of New Jersey v. Tierck Tenbroeck, 17 May 1783, box 47, Alexander Court Papers, NYHS.

Appendix B

1. Simon Moore v. Samuel Bayard, John Tabor Kempe Papers, Box 12, Folder 2, New-York Historical Society.

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