Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. Guy Gugliotta, “Squaring Off over African Trade; Jackson’s Bill Challenges Rangel’s Measure,” Washington Post, February 24, 1999, A4; Alvin B. Tillery, Jr., field notes, February 23, 1999.

2. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, “The Erosion of American National Interests,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 5 (1997): 28–50; Yossi Shain, Marketing the American Creed Abroad: Diasporas in the U.S. and Their Homelands (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Tony Smith, Foreign Attachments: The Power of Ethnic Groups in the Making of American Foreign Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).

3. Stephen Vertovec, “Conceiving and Researching Transnationalism,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 21, no. 1 (1999): 447–62; Alejandro Portes, Luis Gaurnizo, and Patricia Landolt, “The Study of Transnationalism: Pitfalls and Promise of an Emergent Research Field,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 22, no. 2 (1999): 217–35; Rainer Baubock, “Towards a Political Theory of Migrant Transnationalism,” International Migration Review 37, no. 3 (2003): 700–723.

4. Steven Vertovec, “Transnationalism and Identity,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 27, no. 4 (2001), 573.

5. Aihwa Ong, Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logic of Transnationality (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), 1–25; Shain, Marketing the American Creed Abroad, 1–17; Vertovec, “Transnationalism and Identity,” 573–82.

6. See, for example, Ronald Walters, “African-American Influence on U.S. Foreign Policy toward South Africa,” in Ethnic Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy, ed. Mohammed Ahrari (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1987), 65–83; Hanes Walton, African American Power and Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 352–69; Elliott P. Skinner, African Americans and U.S. Policy toward Africa 1850–1925: In Defense of Black Nationality (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1992); Penny Von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anti-Colonialism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 69–122; Smith, Foreign Attachments, 60–64.

7. The term covering law is widely used in physics and the positive social sciences to denote a universal explanation. For a brief intellectual history of the concept and the debate within the social sciences about the possibility of establishing such laws, see Harold Kinkaid, “Defending Laws in the Social Sciences,” in Readings in the Philosophy of Science, ed. Michael Martin and Lee C. McIntyre (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994), 111–31.

8. See, for example, Jesse Jackson Jr., “Hope for Africa,” Nation, February 25, 1999.

9. Dave Boyer, “African Trade Bill Opens Rift in Congressional Black Caucus,” Washington Times, July 16, 1999, A3; Thomas L. Friedman, “Foreign Affairs, Africa: Aid or Harm?” New York Times, March 28, 2000, 23.

10. Juliet Eilperin, “House Passes Measure on Trade with Africa,” Washington Post, July 17, 1999, E1.

11. Robert D. Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games,” International Organization 42 (1988): 427–61.

12. Scholars have used the term transnationalism for only approximately three decades. The phenomenon, however, long predates the rise of this academic nomenclature. Indeed, the African, Jewish, and Irish diasporas all had well-developed transnationalist perspectives or ideologies—Pan-Africanism, Zionism, and Fenianism, respectively—by the late nineteenth century. In this book, I occasionally use the terms Pan-African or Pan-Africanism to refer to the transnationalist behavior. I limit my use of these terms to the behavior of black elites that they themselves would be most likely to describe in such terms. For an interesting discussion of the epistemological issues related to the study of historical movements with transnationalist aims, see Nancy Foner, “What’s New about Transnationalism? New York Immigrants Today and at the Turn of the Century” Diaspora 6, no. 3 (1997): 354–75.

13. Hanes Walton, Invisible Politics: Black Political Behavior (Albany: SUNY Press, 1985), 1–19; Charles Henry, Culture and African American Politics (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1990), 12–37; Michael Dawson, Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African American Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 1–45; Melissa Harris-Lacewell, Barbershops, Bibles, and BET: Everyday Talk and Black Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 86–109.

14. Scholars working in the fields of international relations and diplomatic history describe a foreign policy issue as domesticated when it gains the attention of the mass public on the domestic level. For an excellent treatment of this concept, see Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 158–60.

15. See, among the many works that make this point about African Americans’ identification with Africa during this period, Robert Weisbord, Ebony Kinship: Africa, Africans and Afro-Americans (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press: 1973); Manning Marable, Race, Reform, Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945–1990 (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1991); William L. Van Deburg, New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965–1975 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).

16. For examples of studies that base their theoretical claims on interview data gleaned from black politicians, see Walters, “African-American Influence,” 65–83; Walton, African American Power and Politics, 352–69.

17. For examples of studies that make explicit comparisons between the black experience and those of European-descent ethnic groups, see Walters, “African-American Influence,” 65–83 Skinner, African Americans, 1–21.

18. For a treatments of the differences between covering laws in the physical sciences and in the social sciences, see Carl G. Hempel, “The Function of Laws in General History,” Journal of Philosophy 39, no. 2 (1942): 35–48; Harold Kincaid, “Defending Laws in the Social Sciences,” Philosophy of the Social Sciences 20, no. 1 (1990): 56–83.

19. Walters, “African-American Influence,” 65–83; Walton, African American Power and Politics, 352–69.

20. Barbara Geddes, “How the Cases You Choose Affect the Answers You Get: Selection Bias in Comparative Politics,” Political Analysis 2, no. 1 (1990): 131–50.

21. Ibid., 132–35.

22. Ibid., 90.

23. Scholars that argue that exogenous shocks were sometimes an important force shaping black elite behavior between 1935 and 1960 include Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 180–214; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 122–67; James Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans: Black Americans and Africa, 1935–1961 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); Skinner, African Americans, 1–48.

24. For example, James Rosenau, Public Opinion and Foreign Policy (New York: Random House, 1961).

25. See, for example, Lester Milbrath, “Interest Groups and Foreign Policy,” in Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy, ed. James Rosenau (New York: The Free Press, 1967).

26. Robert D. Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games,” International Organization 42 (1988): 427–61.

27. Patricia Gurin, Shirley Hatchett, and James S. Jackson, Hope and Independence: Blacks’ Response to Electoral and Party Politics (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1989); Dawson, Behind the Mule, 56–72; Katherine Tate, From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 23–29.

28. Dawson, Behind the Mule, 57.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid., 58.

32. Carol Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African Americans in Congress (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993); Richard Fenno, Going Home: Black Representatives and Their Constituents (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); Katherine Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror: African Americans and Their Representatives in the U.S. Congress (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).

33. Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 127.

34. Fenno, Going Home, 7.

35. Kevin Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 1–19.

36. For an introduction to the concept second image, see Kenneth Waltz, Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 80–124.

37. William R. Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race: Afro-Americans and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935–1941 (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1993); Plummer, Rising Wind, 37–80; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 96–122.

38. Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 96–122, uses the term domesticating to describe the hypermobilization that took place in U.S. black communities in the 1940s around U.S. foreign policy issues related to colonialism.

39. Samuel P. Huntington, “The Erosion of American National Interests,” Foreign Affairs (October 1997): 28–50; Bruce D. Porter, “Can American Democracy Survive?” Commentary (November 1993): 37–40; James Schlesinger, “Fragmentation and Hubris: A Shaky Basis for American Leadership,” National Interest 49 (fall 1997): 3–10. For a much more systematic and less bleak account—but one that is still deeply skeptical—of the rise of racial and ethnic group power in U.S. foreign policy formulation, see Smith, Foreign Attachments.

40. Nell Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: Norton, 1977), 133–50.

41. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests, 216.

42. Gaines, Uplifting the Race; Fenno, Going Home; Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror.

43. For excellent accounts of the rise of the quantitative movement in U.S. political science, see Robert A. Dahl, “The Behavioral Approach in Political Science: Epitaph for a Monument to a Successful Protest,” American Political Science Review 55, no. 4 (1961): 763–72; Heinz Eulau, Behaviorism in Political Science (New York: Atherton, 1969).

44. D. W. Miller, “Storming the Palace in Political Science: Scholars Join Revolt against the Domination of Mathematical Approaches to the Discipline,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 21, 2001; Kristen Renwick Monroe, “Introduction,” in Perestroika! The Raucous Rebellion in Political Science, ed. Kristen Renwick Monroe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 1–12.

45. Michael Dawson and Cathy Cohen, “Problems in the Study of the Politics of Race,” in Political Science: The State of the Discipline, Vol. 3, ed. Ira Katznelson and Helen Milner (New York: W. W. Norton, 2002), 490–97; Karen Orren and Stephen Skowronek, The Search for American Political Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Paul Pierson, Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004).

46. Desmond King and Rogers Smith, “Racial Orders in American Political Development,” American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (February 2005): 75–92. For a recent work that succeeds in achieving such a synthesis, see Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008).

47. Walton, African American Power and Politics, 1–9, 41–77.

48. My focus on elite attitudes is rooted in a long tradition in American political science that makes a connection between shifts in elite discourse and trends in mass opinion. For an excellent summary of this tradition and a well-developed theory of this connection, see John Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 6–39. The generalizations that I make in this book about elite behavior and elite attitudes are references to majority perspectives.

49. Orren and Skowronek, Search for American Political Development.

50. For a discussion of how this approach differs from other case-driven and narrative designs, see Robert H. Bates, Avner Greif, Margaret Levi, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, and Barry R. Weingast, Analytic Narratives (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 10–22.

51. Stephen Van Evera, A Guide to Methods for Students of Political Science (New York: Cornell University Press, 1997), 58–63; Alexander George and Andrew Bennett, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2005), 181–204.

52. George and Bennett, Case Studies, 205–32.

53. Van Evera, Guide to Methods, 64. For an extensive treatment of the method, see George and Bennett, Case Studies, 205–33.

54. For an extensive treatment of the role of secondary sources in historically oriented social science, see Theda Skocpol and Margaret Somers, “The Uses of Comparative History in Macrosocial Inquiry,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 22, no. 2 (1980): 174–97.

55. The consensus view among historically oriented social scientists regarding the appropriateness of conducting archival research has shifted considerably over the last two decades. For excellent statements on this evolution, see Edwin Amenta, “What We Know about the Development of Social Policy: Comparative and Historical Research in Comparative and Historical Perspective,” in Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences, ed. James Mahoney and Dietrich Rueschemeyer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 91–131; Theda Skocpol, “Doubly Engaged Social Science: The Promise of Comparative Historical Analysis,” in Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences, ed. James Mahoney and Dietrich Rueschemeyer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 407–29. For an excellent work on race relations in the APD literature that uses archival research, see Daniel Kryder, Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State during World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

56. In chapter 5, I use logistic regressions to analyze the roll-call votes of CBC members. For an introduction to this method, see Alfred Demaris, Logit Modeling: Practical Applications (New York: Russell Sage, 1992).

57. Klaus Krippendorf, Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology (Thousand Oaks: Sage, 2004); Robert Franzoni, From Words to Numbers: Narrative, Data, and Social Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

58. Cathy Cohen, The Boundaries of Blackness: Aids and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Martin Gilens, Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).

59. Floyd J. Miller, The Search for Black Nationality: Black Emigration and Colonization 1787–1863 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1975); P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: The Idea and Movement, 1776–1963 (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1982); Skinner, African Americans.

60. Skinner, African Americans, 42–68.

61. See, for example, Tony Martin, Marcus Garvey: Hero (Dover, Mass.: The Majority Press, 1983), 96–114; Rod Bush, We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American Century (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 93–99.

62. Ben F. Rogers, “W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Pan-Africa,” Journal of Negro History 40 (April 1955): 154–65154–165; Skinner, African Americans, 423–68; Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 58–61.

63. The NAACP, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), National Council of Negro Women, Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) are the Big-Six organizations in the literature on the civil rights movement.

64. Plummer, Rising Wind; Von Eschen, Race against Empire; Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Thomas Borstelmann, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001).

65. Plummer, Rising Wind, 94–125; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 122–45.

66. See, for example, Borstelmann, Cold War and the Color Line, 135–72.

67. Walters, “African-American Influence,” 65–83; Lako Tongun, “Pan-Africanism and Apartheid: African American Influences on U.S. Foreign Policy,” in Imagining Home: Class, Culture and Nationalism in the African Diaspora, ed. Robin D. Kelley and Sidney J. Lemelle (New York: Verso, 1994), 243–83; Walton, African American Power, 352–69.

CHAPTER 1. “NOT ONE WAS WILLING TO GO!”

1. Elliot Skinner, African Americans and U.S. Policy toward Africa, 1850–1924: In Defense of Black Nationality (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1992), 64–65.

2. Alexander Crummell to Charles A. Dunbar (1864), in Apropos of Africa: Sentiments of Negro American Leaders on Africa from the 1800s to the 1950s, ed. Adelaide Cromwell Hill and Martin Kilson (London: Frank Cass, 1969), 87–93.

3. Ibid., 90.

4. Ibid., 93.

5. Alexander Crummell to W. A. Crowther, March 6, 1878, reprinted in African Repository 54, no. 1 (1878), 1–2.

6. For the origins of this view, see Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1976).

7. Skinner, African Americans, 70–85.

8. Michael C. Dawson, Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 3–45.

9. Cathy Cohen, The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).

10. Skinner, African Americans, 12.

11. Sidney Kaplan and Emma Nogrady Kaplan, The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1989), 206–9; P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: From Idea to Movement, 1776–1963 (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1982), 8–10.

12. Esedebe, Pan-Africanism, 8. See also Sheldon H. Harris, Paul Cuffe and the African Return (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1972).

13. Harris, Paul Cuffe and the African Return, 50–52; Floyd J. Miller, The Search for Black Nationality: Black Emigration and Colonization, 1787–1863 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 27–28; Lamont D. Thomas, Paul Cuffe: Black Entrepreneur and Pan-Africanist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 49–51; Skinner, African Americans, 27.

14. Henry N. Sherwood, “Paul Cuffe,” Journal of Negro History 8 (1923): 169–82; Miller, Search for Black Nationality, 31–33.

15. Miller, Search for Black Nationality, 34–35.

16. Ibid.; Thomas, Paul Cuffe, 82–85.

17. Cuffe neither believed nor hoped that all free blacks would leave the United States for Africa. On the contrary, his plan was to take just enough black Americans to Africa to stimulate the economic development of Sierra Leone so that it could challenge the southern United States in the production of cotton. In his view, this competition would undercut the basis of slavery in the United States by driving down the demand for cotton in Great Britain. For a detailed analysis of Cuffe’s views, see Miller, Search for Black Nationality, 25–29.

18. Ibid., 35–37; The Annals of the Congress of the United States, 13th Congress, 1st and 2nd Sess., 569–70, 572.

19. Annals of the Congress, 13th Congress, 1st and 2nd Sess., 569–70, 572.

20. Ibid., 601.

21. Ibid., 861–63.

22. Miller, Search for Black Nationality, 40–41; Thomas, Paul Cuffe, 100–103.

23. Thomas, Paul Cuffe, 113–18.

24. Miller, Search for Black Nationality, 47–50.

25. Philip J. Staudenraus, The African Colonization Movement, 1816–1865 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), 34; Harris, Paul Cuffe and the African Return, 59.

26. See, for example, Edwin S. Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalist and Back-to-Africa Movements, 1890–1910 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969); Painter, Exodusters.

27. Staudenraus, African Colonization Movement, 22–27; Harris, Paul Cuffe and the African Return, 60–64; Skinner, African Americans, 26–32.

28. Staudenraus, African Colonization Movement, 23–35.

29. Ibid., 24.

30. Ibid., 31.

31. Ibid., 34; Annals of the Congress, 14th Congress, 2nd Sess., 481–83, 639, 939–41.

32. Paul Pierson, “Big, Slow-Moving, and... Invisible: Macrosocial Processes in the Study of Comparative Politics,” in Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences, ed. James Mahoney and Dietrich Rueschemeyer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 188. The critical junctures concept in political analysis was developed by David Collier and Ruth Berins Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).

33. Staudenraus, African Colonization Movement, 32–34; Leon Litwack, North of Slavery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), 24.

34. The point here is that the economic concept path-dependence is also a key component of critical junctures arguments in political science. For excellent examinations of the relationship between the two concepts, see James Mahoney, “Path Dependent Explanations of Regime Change,” Studies in Comparative and International Development 36, no. 1 (2001), 111–41; Paul Pierson, Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 17–54.

35. Henry Noble Sherwood, “The Formation of the American Colonization Society,” Journal of Negro History 2 (1917): 221–25; Miller, Search for Black Nationality, 48–50; Skinner, African Americans, 31.

36. James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 25, 1817, Paul Cuffe Papers, Box 4, Free Library, New Bedford, Mass.

37. Louis Mehlinger, “The Attitude of the Free Negro toward African Colonization,” Journal of Negro History 1 (1916): 277.

38. Ibid., 272.

39. Russell Parrot, quoted in Mehlinger, “Attitude of the Free Negro,” 272–73.

40. Ibid., 272.

41. The House Foreign Relations Committee scrapped the initial ACS position because of opposition that the proposal encountered from a few southern members of Congress. Two years later, however, the Congress authorized President James Monroe to “spend $100,000 for resettling captured slaves in Africa.” For a full account of the path to congressional authorization, see Staudenraus, African Colonization Movement, 48–58.

42. Mehlinger, “Attitude of the Free Negro,” 272–74; Benjamin Quarles, Black Abolitionists (New York: Da Capo, 1997 [1969]), 16–18.

43. Freedom’s Journal 1, no. 3 (1827): 12. For excellent scholarly treatments of the rise of black periodicals and the role they played in the abolitionist movement, see Charles S. Johnson, “The Rise of the Negro Magazine,” Journal of Negro History 13, no. 1 (1928): 7–21; Bella Gross, “Freedom’s Journal and the Rights of All,” Journal of Negro History 17, no. 3 (1932): 241–86; Quarles, Black Abolitionists, 18–20; Mia Bay, The White Image in the Black Mind: African American Ideas about White People, 1830–1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 32–38.

44. Charlotte G. O’Kelly, “Black Newspapers and the Black Protest Movement: Their Historical Relationship, 1827–1945,” Phylon 43, no. 3 (1982): 1–14; Ella Forbes, “African-American Resistance to Colonization,” Journal of Black Studies 21, no. 2 (1990): 210–23; Gayle T. Tate, “Free Black Resistance in the Antebellum Era, 1830 to 1860,” Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 6 (1998): 764–82; Bay, White Image in the Black Mind, 32–38.

45. The five periodicals analyzed are Freedom’s Journal (1827–1829), Colored American (1837–1842), Frederick Douglass’ Paper (1851–1860), Anglo-African Magazine (1859–1865), and Christian Recorder (1852–present). For an excellent treatment of these newspapers and their meaning to the black community in the antebellum period, see O’Kelly, “Black Newspapers,” 1–14.

46. Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, 2nd Sess., Washington, D.C., February 4, 1862.

47. See, for example, Skinner, African Americans, 63–65.

48. Frederick Douglass’ Paper, January 11, 1862.

49. Hanes Walton, Black Republicans: The Politics of the Black and Tans (Metuchen, N.J.: The Scarecrow Press, 1975); William Gillette, The Right to Vote (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1969); Brooks D. Simpson, The Reconstruction Presidents (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1998), 140–45.

50. Walton, Black Republicans, 21; Simpson, Reconstruction Presidents, 142–43.

51. For a thorough examination of why the congressional Republicans abandoned radicalism, see William Gillette, Retreat from Reconstruction, 1869–1879 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979); Patrick Riddleberger, “The Abandonment of the Negro during Reconstruction,” Journal of Negro History 45, no. 2 (April 1960): 88–102. For an excellent place to start a survey of the major historical literature on the subject, see Richard Allen Gerber, “The Liberal Republicans in 1872 in Historiographical Perspective,” Journal of American History 62, no. 1 (June 1975): 40–73.

52. Herbert Shapiro, “Afro-American Responses to Race Violence during Reconstruction,” Science and Society, no. 36 (summer 1972): 158–70; Herbert Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response: From Reconstruction to Montgomery (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988), 5–29; Joel Williamson, After Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), 266–73.

53. See the Shreveport Daily Times and the New Orleans Daily Picayune of September 3, 1874. See also Oscar H. Lestage Jr., “The White League of Louisiana and Its Participation in Reconstruction Riots,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly 28 (July 1935).

54. The events of the Eufaula Riot are meticulously described by numerous witnesses in Affairs in Alabama, 43rd Congress, 2nd Sess., House Report no. 262, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1875. See also Harry P. Owens, “The Eufaula Riot of 1874,” Alabama Review (July 1963): 224–37.

55. Vernon Wharton, The Negro in Mississippi, 1865–1890 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1947), 188–98.

56. Testimony of Elias Hill in Affairs in South Carolina, 43rd Congress, 2nd Sess., Report of the Joint Select Committee to Investigate Affairs in the Late Insurrectionary States, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1875, 47.

57. Ibid., 46.

58. Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response, 13.

59. Testimony of Henry Frazier in Affairs in Alabama, 43rd Congress, 2nd Sess., House Report, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1875, 213.

60. I base this conclusion on the fact that many of the letters that southern blacks wrote to the ACS seeking assistance with repatriation stressed their ability and preference for agricultural work once they got to Liberia. See, for example, Isidore Turner (Eufaula, Alabama) to ACS, August 2, 1878, American Colonization Society Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

61. Testimony of Henry Adams, 46th Congress, 2nd Sess., Senate Report no. 693, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1880, 177.

62. Ibid., 114.

63. Painter, Exodusters, 138.

64. Staudenraus, African Colonization Movement, 251; Kenneth C. Barnes, Journey of Hope: The Back-to-Africa Movement in Arkansas in the Late 1800s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 8, 20–22.

65. Redkey, Black Exodus, 40–46; Painter, Exodusters, 138–44; Skinner, African Americans, 68–80.

66. Skinner, African Americans, 68–80.

67. Painter, Exodusters, 135–50.

68. Charleston News and Courier, April 16, 1878. I first learned of this article from reading George Brown Tindall’s excellent article, “The Liberian Exodus of 1878,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 53, no. 3 (July 1952): 133–45.

69. Testimony of Henry Adams, 105.

70. Victor Ullman, Martin Delany: The Beginnings of Black Nationalism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), 411.

71. Ibid.

72. Ibid., 412–14.

73. James A. Padgett, “Ministers to Liberia and Their Diplomacy,” Journal of Negro History 22, no. 1 (1937): 50–92.

74. Ullman, Martin Delany, 414.

75. Ibid.

76. Frederick Douglass to Martin R. Delany, August 31, 1871, in The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, ed. Philip Sheldon Foner (New York International Publishers, 1975), 1:276–81.

77. Skinner, African Americans, 68–69.

78. Douglass to Delany, August 31, 1871, 277.

79. Thomas Holt, Black over White: Negro Political Leadership in South Carolina during Reconstruction (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979), 175–80.

80. See Walton, Black Republicans; Edmund L. Drago, Black Politicians and Reconstruction Georgia: A Splendid Failure (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), 30–50.

81. Blanche K. Bruce to editor of the Commercial, reprinted in the Christian Recorder, March 7, 1878.

82. Ibid.

83. Bishop Benjamin T. Tanner et al., “A Emigration,” Christian Recorder, May 16, 1878.

84. Ibid.

85. “The Emigration Movement,” Christian Recorder, April 18, 1878.

86. Barnes, Journey of Hope, 25–29.

87. New York Times, March 27, 1880; ibid., 26.

88. Barnes, Journey of Hope, 26.

89. New York Times editorial, quoted in ibid.

90. New York Times, April 20, 1880; Barnes, Journey of Hope, 27.

91. Barnes, Journey of Hope, 27.

92. Ibid.

93. New York Times, April 25, 1880; ibid., 28.

94. Barnes, Journey of Hope, 33.

95. Grant endorsed James Milton Turner for the ministerial post in Liberia on February 17, 1871. The endorsement note is in Letters of Application and Recommendations of the Grant Administration, Record Group 59, National Archives and Records Administration [hereafter NARA], Washington, D.C. See also Padgett, “Ministers to Liberia and Their Diplomacy,” 58.

96. See, for example, Padgett, “Ministers to Liberia and Their Diplomacy,” 58–72; Gary B. Kremer, James Milton Turner and the Promise of America (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991); Skinner, African Americans, 68–80.

97. Kremer, James Milton Turner, chap. 3; Skinner, African Americans, 68–91.

98. Painter, Exodusters, 140.

99. James Milton Turner to Department of State, March 30, 1872, no. 40, Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to Liberia, 1863–1906, Record Group 59, Roll 3, NARA, Washington, D.C.

100. Turner’s efforts to convince the United States to aid the Americo-Liberians in their 1875 conflict with the Grebo people appear in the dispatches that he mailed in September and October 1875. See, particularly, communications nos. 180 and 184 in Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to Liberia, 1863–1906, Record Group 59, Roll 5, NARA, Washington, D.C.

101. Kremer, James Milton Turner, 40–57.

102. Turner to Department of State, March 30, 1872.

103. Skinner, African Americas, 73–75.

104. James Milton Turner to Hamilton Fish, May 25, 1872, no. 45, Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to Liberia, 1863–1906, Record Group 59, Roll 3, NARA, Washington, D.C.

105. C. A. Newcombe to Ulysses S. Grant, January 28, 1871, in Letters of Application and Recommendations of the Grant Administration, Record Group 59, Roll 3, NARA, Washington, D.C.

106. James Milton Turner to Secretary of State William Evarts, September 3, 1877, Dispatch no. 273, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1877, 370–75.

107. African Repository 54 (January 1878); African Repository 55 (January 1879); see also Kremer, James Milton Turner, 94–95.

108. Turner to Evarts, September 3, 1877.

109. “Of an emigration that arrived in December 1871, numbering 243 persons,” Turner reported to the secretary of state, “45 or 50 persons have died of fever, many are acclimating, thirty-five or forty are intending to return, the remainder are quite despondent, and those who remain here will be little else than a burden on the country.” Turner to Fish, May 25, 1872.

110. Barnes, Journey of Hope, 149.

111. Where possible, for this sample I randomly selected letters from each month in the years covered, 1870–1900. Of course, Liberia Fever did not strike black communities evenly in all years. On the contrary, the correspondence from freed blacks was torrential during some periods—such as the height of the Counter-Reconstruction—and virtually nonexistent at other times. When sampling by month was impossible, I used an every-five-microform-frame rule within the period. The final sample contained 360 items, which is the equivalent of one letter per month for 1870–1900.

112. James Milton Turner to Department of State, April 15, 1878, no. 266, Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to Liberia, 1863–1906, Record Group 59, Roll 7, NARA, Washington, D.C.

113. Kremer, James Milton Turner, 98–100.

114. Frederick Douglass, “Light from Liberia,” Frederick Douglass’ Paper, March 25, 1855, 1.

115. Skinner, African Americans, 90.

116. For an account of Delany’s admission to and experiences at Harvard Medical School, see Ullman, Martin Delany, 115–21. For treatments of Delany’s early advocacy of emigrationism, see Skinner, African Americans, 48–52; Robert S. Levine, Martin Delany, Frederick Douglass, and the Politics of Representative Identity (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 184–88.

117. Martin Robinson Delany, The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States (Philadelphia: King and Baird, 1852), 173–88.

118. Ullman, Martin Delany, 11–13, 174–76; Forbes, “African-American Resistance to Colonization,” 222; Levine, Martin Delany, 80–83.

119. Delany, Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny, 169.

120. Cyril E. Griffith, The African Dream: Martin R. Delany and the Emergence of the Pan-African Thought (College Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1975), 33–35; Ullman, Martin Delany, 194–210.

121. Robert M. Kahn, “The Political Ideology of Martin Delany,” Journal of Black Studies 14, no. 4 (1984): 415–40; Skinner, African Americans, 49–51; Levine, Martin Delany, 182–83.

122. Ullman, Martin Delany, 216–20; Skinner, African Americans, 49–51; Levine, Martin Delany, 183–84.

123. Griffith, African Dream, 35–39; Ullman, Martin Delany, 219–20; Skinner, African Americans, 49–51.

124. Martin R. Delany and Robert Campbell, The Search for a Place: Black Separation and Africa (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969 [1860]), 120–22; Griffith, African Dream, 46–47; Ullman, Martin Delany, 224–27; Skinner, African Americans, 51.

125. A. H. M. Kirk-Greene, “America in the Niger Valley: A Colonization Centenary,” Phylon 23 (fall 1962): 225–39; Skinner, African Americans, 53.

126. Skinner, African Americans, 411.

127. Ibid., 510–12.

128. Griffith, African Dream, 107–8; Ullman, Martin Delany, 502–4; Skinner, African Americans, 85.

129. George Brown Tindall, South Carolina Negroes, 1877–1900 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1952), 153–55; Ullman, Martin Delany, 503; Skinner, African Americans, 85.

130. Tindall, South Carolina Negroes, 153–55; Griffith, African Dream, 108.

131. Tindall, South Carolina Negroes, 155–63; Griffith, African Dream, 108–10.

132. Tindall, South Carolina Negroes, 163–68; Skinner, African Americans, 85–87.

133. Mungo M. Ponton, The Life and Times of Henry M. Turner (Atlanta: A. B. Caldwell Publishing, 1917), 33–36; Edwin S. Redkey, “Bishop Turner’s African Dream,” Journal of American History 54, no. 2 (September 1967), 273.

134. Ponton, Life and Times, 36–39.

135. Ibid., 49–51; John Dittmer, “The Education of Henry McNeal Turner,” in Black Leaders of the Nineteenth Century, ed. Leon Litwack and August Meier (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 255.

136. Drago, Black Politicians and Reconstruction Georgia, 35–50; Dittmer, “Education of Henry McNeal Turner,” 257.

137. E. Merton Coulter, “Henry McNeal Turner: Georgia Negro Preacher-Politician during the Reconstruction Era,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 48 (December 1964): 383–85.

138. Dittmer, “Education of Henry McNeal Turner,” 259; Redkey, Black Exodus, 27.

139. Skinner, African Americans, 84.

140. Henry McNeal Turner, quoted in the African Repository 51 (April 1875). Emphasis added.

141. Griffith, African Dream, 108, 114–16.

142. Redkey, Black Exodus, 45–46.

143. Ibid.

144. Professor John H. Sampson to Christian Recorder, January 18, 1883.

145. Reverend Benjamin T. Tanner to Christian Recorder, February 22, 1883. See also Redkey, “Bishop Turner’s African Dream,” 276.

146. Rayford Logan, The Betrayal of the Negro: From Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson (New York: Collier Books, 1965), 48–50.

147. Benjamin Harrison, “Inaugural Address,” in A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789–1902, ed. James D. Richardson (Washington, D.C.: National Bureau of Art and Literature, 1907), 9:8.

148. Congressional Record, 51st Congress, 1st Sess., Washington, D.C., 3760. For an excellent secondary account, see Richard E. Welch Jr., “The Federal Elections Bill of 1890: Postscripts and Prelude,” Journal of American History 52, no. 3 (1965): 511–26.

149. Congressional Record, 51st Congress, 1st Sess., 125, 155–57, 338, 802.

150. Redkey, Black Exodus, 63–64. See also African Repository 66 (April 1890): 53–55.

151. Redkey, Black Exodus, 64–66.

152. As the leading black weekly and the forum where Bishop Turner most frequently expressed his views, the Christian Recorder received numerous articles from black politicians opposed to the Butler bill. See, for example, the issues for January 23, February 6, and April 24, 1890.

153. Congressional Record, 51st Congress, 1st Sess., 857, 966–71. See also Redkey, Black Exodus, 64–65.

154. Recognizing that the Republicans valued the passage of the McKinley tariff act more than anything else, Senate Democrats threatened to filibuster the measure unless the force bills were taken off the table. For an excellent treatment of this episode, see Welch, “Federal Elections Bill of 1890,” 511–26.

155. Bishop Turner actually increased his propagandizing in the black community after the defeat of the Butler bill in 1890. In 1891, the Council of AME Bishops sent Turner on a mission to Africa to bring congregations there under greater centralization. When Turner returned to the United States in early 1892, he again immersed himself in the private-sector efforts of the ACS and other groups. Turner’s letters to the Christian Recorder during his stay in West Africa are a fascinating read; see the AME Church Review 8 (April 1892).

156. Redkey, Black Exodus, 99–194. For treatments of how the Republicans’ decision to withdraw the Lodge Federal Elections bill led to a second Counter-Reconstruction in the South, see William Alexander Mabry, “Disfranchisement of the Negro in Mississippi,” Journal of Southern History 4, no. 3 (August 1938): 318–33; Willie D. Halsell, “The Bourbon Period in Mississippi Politics, 1875–1890,” Journal of Southern History 11, no. 4 (November 1945): 519–37.

157. Stewart E. Tolnay, A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882–1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995).

158. Roy Garvin, “Benjamin, or ‘Pap,’ Singleton and His Followers,” Journal of Negro History 33, no. 1 (1948): 7–23; Painter, Exodusters, 184–202; Randall B. Woods, “Integration, Exclusion, or Segregation?: The ‘Colorline’ in Kansas, 1878–1900,” Western Historical Quarterly 14, no. 2 (1983): 181–98.

159. Booker T. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” in Selected Speeches of Booker T. Washington, ed. E. Davidson (New York: Doubleday, 1932), 31–37.

160. August Meier, Negro Thought in America, 1880–1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969), 19–58, argues that Washington’s message was a natural fit for the black masses in the last decade of the nineteenth century because they had already turned away from politics to focus on moral and economic development.

CHAPTER 2. “HIS FAILURE WILL BE THEIRS”

1. Marcus Garvey to W. E. B. Du Bois, July 16, 1920, in The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, ed. Robert A. Hill (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983) [hereafter Garvey and UNIA Papers], 2:426.

2. W. E. B. Du Bois to Marcus Garvey, July 22, 1920, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 2:431–32.

3. Garvey approached, among others, Robert R. Moton, the second principal of Tuskegee and the leading conservative foil to Du Bois and the NAACP, about accepting the post of leader of American blacks. See Elliot Skinner, African Americans and U.S. Policy toward Africa, 1850–1924 (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1992), 435–36.

4. For an excellent overview of black transnationalism during the period 1850–1930, see Wilson Jeremiah Moses, The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850–1925 (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1978).

5. Ben F. Rogers, “William E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Pan-Africa,” Journal of Negro History 20, no. 2 (1955): 154–65; P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: From Idea to Movement, 1776–1963 (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1982), 78–85; Skinner, African Americans, 456–61; Rod Bush, We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American Century (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 93–99.

6. For an excellent summary of the literature that reduces the conflicts between black social movement leaders to clashing personalities, see Ramon G. Vela, “The Washington-Du Bois Controversy and African American Protest: Ideological Conflict and Its Consequences,” Studies in American Political Development 16, no. 1 (2002): 88–109.

7. Rogers, “William E.B. Du Bois,” 154–65; Skinner, African Americans, 423–68; Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 58–61.

8. See, for example, Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976); Esedebe, Pan-Africanism, 67–80; Bush, We Are Not What We Seem, 93–97.

9. Edwin S. Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalist and Back-to-Africa Movements, 1890–1910 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), 63–64; Robert Weisbord, Ebony Kinship: Africa, Africans, and the Afro-American (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973), 29–31; Skinner, African Americans, 77, 142–43.

10. For reactions to the demise of the Butler emigration bill among the black elite, see Christian Recorder, January 23, February 6, and April 24, 1890. Nadir is the term used by Rayford Logan, the pioneering black historian, for the period between the Counter-Reconstruction and the rise of the modern civil rights movement. The term is now used for this period in much of the literature on the U.S. black experience. Rayford W. Logan, The Negro in American Life and Thought: The Nadir, 1877–1901 (New York: Dial Press, 1954).

11. Congressional Record, 51st Congress, 1st Sess., Washington, D.C., 857, 966–71. See also Redkey, Black Exodus, 64–65.

12. For accounts of Washington’s rise to prominence, see Samuel R. Spencer Jr., Booker T. Washington and the Negro’s Place in American Life (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1955), 13–28; Louis H. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Making of a Black Leader, 1856–1901 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 1–51; Michael Rudolph West, The Education of Booker T. Washington: American Democracy and the Idea of Race Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 185–227.

13. Booker T. Washington, “Atlanta Exposition Address,” in Selected Speeches of Booker T. Washington, ed. E. Davidson (New York: Doubleday, 1932), 31–32.

14. Booker T. Washington to President Theodore Roosevelt, March 21, 1908, in The Booker T. Washington Papers, ed. Louis R. Harlan and Raymond W. Smock (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980) [hereafter Washington Papers], 9:476; President Theodore Roosevelt to Booker T. Washington, April 14, 1908, in Washington Papers, 9:499. See also Edward O. Erhagbe, “African Americans and the Defense of African States against European Imperial Conquest: Booker T. Washington’s Diplomatic Efforts to Guarantee Liberia’s Independence 1907–1911,” African Studies Review 39, no. 1 (1996): 56–57; Louis Harlan, “Booker T. Washington and the White Man’s Burden,” American Historical Review 71, no. 2 (1966): 454; Skinner, African Americans, 313–14.

15. Skinner, African Americans, 335–40.

16. In 1899, a group of white philanthropists from Boston paid for Washington and his wife to go to Europe. Although the trip was intended to be a vacation, the irrepressible principal of Tuskegee could not pass up the opportunity to spread his message in Europe by accepting a few prestigious speaking engagements. The content of these addresses was widely circulated in the European press and added greatly to Washington’s acclaim in Europe. See Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery: An Autobiography (New York: W. W. Norton, [1901] 1995), 121–33.

17. Booker T. Washington to Grace Luling, January 28, 1905, in Washington Papers, 8:184–85. For analyses of Washington’s views of indigenous Africans and their suitability for “industrial education,” see Harlan, “Booker T. Washington,” 441–67; W. Manning Marable, “Booker T. Washington and African Nationalism,” Phylon 35, no. 4 (1974): 398–406; Ibrahim Sundiata, Brothers and Others: Black Zion, Black Slavery, 1914–1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), 7.

18. Esedebe, Pan-Africanism, 47–53; Skinner, African Americans, 164–71.

19. Henry Sylvester Williams to Booker T. Washington, June 1, 1900, in Washington Papers, 8:184–85. See also Owen Charles Mathurin, Henry Sylvester Williams and the Origins of the Pan-African Movement, 1869–1911 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976), 50–52; Skinner, African Americans, 169–71, 336.

20. W. E. B. Du Bois, “An Address to the Nations of the World,” in W.E.B. Du Bois: A Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York: Henry Holt, 1995), 639. For an excellent analysis of the ideological and intellectual crosscurrents in the document, see Adolph Reed Jr., W.E.B. Du Bois and American Political Thought: Fabianism and the Color Line (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 79–83.

21. Du Bois, “Address to the Nations,” 640.

22. Ibid. For excellent treatments of the conference and the political context that shaped “An Address to the Nations of the World,” see Clarence Contee, “The Emergence of Du Bois as an African Nationalist,” Journal of Negro History 54, no. 1 (1969): 48–63; Skinner, African Americans, 172–76.

23. Wilson Jeremiah Moses, The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850–1925 (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1978), 59–81; Ibrahim K. Sundiata, Black Scandal: America and the Liberian Labor Crisis, 1929–1936 (Philadelphia: ISHI Press, 1980); Tunde Adeleke, UnAfrican Americans: Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1998), 13–31.

24. See Report of the Pan-African Conference (London, 1900), W. E. B. Du Bois Papers, Box 10, Fisk University Collection, Nashville, Tenn. See also Contee, “Emergence of Du Bois,” 58; Esedebe, Pan-Africanism, 47–56.

25. Report of the Pan-African Conference. See also Immanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement (New York: Methuen, 1974), 192–98.

26. Contee, “Emergence of Du Bois,” 58.

27. Skinner, African Americans, 167–73.

28. August Meier, Negro Thought in America, 1880–1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1965), 113, 164–65; David Levering Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868–1919 (New York: Henry Holt, 1995), 297–343.

29. Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 233–62; Esedebe, Pan-Africanism, 81–92; Skinner, African Americans, 381–422; Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography, 561–63.

30. Minutes of the Board of Directors of the NAACP, November 11, 1918, Records of the NAACP, Box A12, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

31. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Memorandum on the Future of Africa,” Records of the NAACP, Box A12, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. See also Clarence Contee, “Du Bois, the NAACP, and the Pan-African Congress of 1919,” Journal of Negro History 57, no. 1 (January 1972): 13–28; Moses, Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1978, 140–45; Reed, W.E.B. Du Bois, 82–89.

32. The fact that Du Bois had press credentials from his position with the Crisis was the only reason that he was able to make the trip. See Skinner, African Americans, 399.

33. Richard B. Moore, “Du Bois and Pan-Africa,” in Black Titan: W.E.B. Du Bois, ed. John Henrik Clarke (Boston: Beacon Press, 1970), 202–3; Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography, 567–70.

34. W. E. B. Du Bois, Crisis 18 (May 1919): 8; New York Times, February 2 and 16, 1919; Contee, “Du Bois, the NAACP,” 13–28; Rogers, “William E.B. Du Bois,” 154–65; Manning Marable, W.E.B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat (Boston: Twanye, 1986), 100–102; Skinner, African Americans, 399–401.

35. Contee, “Du Bois, the NAACP,” 13–28; Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 235–40; Marable, W.E.B. Du Bois, 101–3; Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography, 574–76.

36. Du Bois provides extremely rich commentary on the proceedings of the Congress in the Crisis 17 (April 1919). See also Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 238–41; John D. Hargreaves, “Maurice Delafosse on the Pan-African Congress of 1919,” African Historical Studies 1, no. 2 (1968): 233–41; Skinner, African Americans, 404–8.

37. Esedebe, Pan-Africanism, 81–82; Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 240.

38. Sylvia M. Jacobs, Black American Perspectives on the European Partitioning of Africa, 1880–1920 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981).

39. Ibid., 250–60; Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 240–62; Skinner, African Americans, 406–11.

40. Amy Jacques Garvey, Garvey and Garveyism (New York: Octagon Books, 1963), 3; E. David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955), 6–15; Martin, Race First, 3–4.

41. A. Garvey, Garvey and Garveyism, 9–11; Cronon, Black Moses, 12–14; Colin Grant, Negro with a Hat: The Rise and Fall of Marcus Garvey (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 13.

42. Cronon, Black Moses, 14–16; Martin, Race First, 3–4; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 14–18.

43. Martin, Race First, 4; Cronon, Black Moses, 15; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 18–19.

44. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 19.

45. Robert H. Brisbane, “Some New Light on the Garvey Movement,” Journal of Negro History 36, no. 1 (1951): 53–62; Cronon, Black Moses, 14–16; Rupert Lewis, Marcus Garvey: Anti-Colonial Champion (Trenton: African World Press, 1988), 41–42.

46. Martin, Race First, 4; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 22–24.

47. Brisbane, “Some New Light,” 56–58; Cronon, Black Moses, 15–16; Martin, Race First, 4–6; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 34–51.

48. Brisbane, “Some New Light,” 57.

49. Martin, Race First, 5–7; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 44–47.

50. Marcus Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, ed. Amy Jacques Garvey (New York: Antheneum Publishing, 1992 [1923]), 2:126. See also Cronon, Black Moses, 16.

51. Marcus Garvey, “The Negro’s Greatest Enemy,” Current History 18, no. 6 (1923), 952; Cronon, Black Moses, 16–18; Martin, Race First, 6; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 52–54.

52. Martin, Race First, 6; Cronon, Black Moses, 17–18; Skinner, African Americans, 382–83; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 52–56.

53. Cronon, Black Moses, 17–20; Skinner, African Americans, 383–84; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 65–71.

54. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 63–69.

55. M. Garvey, Philosophy and Opinions, 2:127.

56. A. Garvey, Garvey and Garveyism, 8–10; Cronon, Black Moses, 39–41; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 73–76.

57. Cronon, Black Moses, 44–47; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 88–105.

58. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 109.

59. Although Garvey had a substantial following, the consensus among most historians is that his claims to have 2 million members were dubious. For works in this vein, see Cronon, Black Moses, 45–49; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 164. Martin, Race First, 12–13, is an example of a work that accepts Garvey’s count.

60. Cronon, Black Moses, 43–44; Martin, Race First, 22–41, 151–74.

61. Cronon, Black Moses, 21.

62. See, for example, Rogers, “William E.B. Du Bois,” 154–65; Elliot M. Rudwick, “Du Bois vs. Garvey: Race Propagandists at War,” Journal of Negro Education 28, no. 4 (1959): 421–29; John Henrik Clarke, “Marcus Garvey: The Harlem Years,” Transition 46 (1974): 14–19; Manning Marable, W.E.B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2005), 36–42.

63. Rogers, “William E.B. Du Bois,” 154–65; Skinner, African Americans, 335–40.

64. Marcus Garvey, “Editorial Letter to the Negro World,” New York, March 27, 1919, and “Synopsis of UNIA Meeting,” Negro World, March 29, 1919, Garvey and UNIA Papers, 1:391–93.

65. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Back to Africa,” in W.E.B. Du Bois: A Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York: Henry Holt, 1995), 333–39.

66. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 89.

67. Marcus Garvey to W. E. B. Du Bois, April 30, 1915, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 1:157.

68. Marcus Garvey to W. E. B. Du Bois, April 25, 1916, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 1:187–90.

69. W. E. B. Du Bois to Marcus Garvey, May 1, 1916, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 1:190.

70. M. Garvey, “Editorial Letter to the Negro World,” March 27, 1919.

71. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Marcus Garvey,” Crisis 20 (December 1920): 58–60. For an extensive treatment of this controversy, see Skinner, African Americans, 413–14. Skinner concludes that the weight of the historical evidence rests with Du Bois.

72. “Interview with W.E.B. Du Bois by Charles Mowbray White,” August 22, 1920, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 2:620–21.

73. E. G. Woodward to James Weldon Johnson, September 25, 1920, NAACP Papers, Series 1, Box C304, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

74. F. Randolph to E. G. Woodward, October 2, 1920, NAACP Papers, Series I, Box C304, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

75. Charles Beasley to Assistant Field Secretary of NAACP, January 11, 1921, NAACP Papers, Series I, Box C304, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

76. Walter White, Assistant Field Secretary, NAACP, January 11, 1921, NAACP Papers, Series I, Box C304, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

77. The count data presented in figure 2.1 exclude all editorials and letters written by notable black leaders and official representatives of organizations such as the NAACP and Urban League.

78. W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of Dawn: An Essay toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept (New York: Schocken Books, 1968), 277–78.

79. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Rise of the West Indian,” Crisis 20 (September 1920): 214–15.

80. William Pickens to Marcus Garvey, July 24, 1922, quoted in the Chicago Defender, July 29, 1922, 8.

81. Quoted in Philip S. Foner, American Socialism and Black Americans: From the Age of Jackson to World War II (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977), 329.

82. Du Bois, “Marcus Garvey” (December 1920), 58.

83. Ibid., 59.

84. Ibid., 60

85. Cronon, Black Moses, 50; Martin, Race First, 152.

86. Martin, Race First, 152.

87. Cronon, Black Moses, 52–54; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 204.

88. Cronon, Black Moses, 54–55; Martin, Race First, 152–54; Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986), 90–91; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 204–5.

89. Martin, Race First, 153; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 204.

90. Hugh Mulzac, A Star to Steer By (New York: International Publishers, 1963), 82; Martin, Race First, 153; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 205.

91. Cronon, Black Moses, 53–54; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 205.

92. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 205.

93. Cronon, Black Moses, 54; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 205.

94. Cronon, Black Moses, 78–80; Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 92–95; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 208–10.

95. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 210.

96. Claude McKay, Harlem: Negro Metropolis (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1940), 99. See also Cronon, Black Moses, 55; Martin, Race First, 153; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 211.

97. Cronon, Black Moses, 55–56; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 217.

98. Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 91–92; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 221.

99. Quoted in Mulzac, Star to Steer By, 82.

100. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 222.

101. Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 90–91; ibid., 227.

102. Cronon, Black Moses, 81–82; Martin, Race First, 154; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 227.

103. Cronon, Black Moses, 82; Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 91; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 228.

104. Martin, Race First, 154; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 228.

105. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 228.

106. Cronon, Black Moses, 83–84; ibid., 228.

107. Cronon, Black Moses, 82–83; Martin, Race First, 154; Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 91; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 233.

108. Cronon, Black Moses, 81, 84; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 240–41.

109. Cronon, Black Moses, 56–58, 88–90; Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 94–95; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 233–40.

110. Cronon, Black Moses, 96–97; Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 95–96.

111. Cronon, Black Moses, 100–101.

112. J. Edgar Hoover to Special Agent Ridgeley, Washington, D.C., October 11, 1919, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 2:72.

113. Cronon, Black Moses, 94.

114. Ibid., 99–101; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 324–25.

115. See Martin, Race First, 162–66 for an account that suggests that the mail fraud case was largely without merit.

116. Cronon, Black Moses, 100; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 324.

117. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 325.

118. Negro World, January 21, 1922.

119. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 326.

120. See, for example, Martin, Race First, 27–28, 231–33.

121. Cronon, Black Moses, 52–54.

122. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Demagog,” Crisis 23 (April 1922). See also Grant, Negro with a Hat, 326.

123. Garvey’s meetings with Clarke and other southern racists were widely reported in both the mainstream and black presses. See, for example, New York Times, July 10, 1922; Chicago Defender, July 8 and 22, 1922.

124. Cronon, Black Moses, 106–8.

125. Rogers, “William E.B. Du Bois,” 158, 165.

126. “Garveyism in Africa,” The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, ed. Robert A. Hill (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2006), 10:3.

127. Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 48; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 172.

128. Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 49; Grant, Negro with a Hat, 172.

129. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 172.

130. Ibid., 177–78.

131. “British Military Report,” Garvey and UNIA Papers, 1:405–8.

132. Grant, Negro with a Hat, 178.

133. Ibid., 181.

134. Ibid.

135. M. Garvey, “Editorial Letter to the Negro World,” Garvey and UNIA Papers (March 27, 1919), 1:391; “Synopsis of UNIA Meeting,” March 29, 1919.

136. Du Bois, “Marcus Garvey,” (December 1920):60.

137. Skinner, African Americans, 414.

138. Rupert Lewis, Marcus Garvey: Anti-Colonial Champion (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1988), 96–97; Martin, Race First, 124.

139. Martin, Race First, 124.

140. A. Garvey, Garvey and Garveyism, 106–7; George Huggins, “Marcus Garvey and the League of Nations,” in Garvey: Africa, Europe, the Americas, ed. Rupert Lewis and Maureen Warner-Lewis (Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies, 1986), 152–65.

141. Marcus Garvey, quoted in “Report by Bureau Agent H.J. Lenon,” January 18, 1921, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 3:133–34.

142. Marcus Garvey to Gabriel Moore Johnson, January 18, 1921, in Garvey and UNIA Papers, 3:135.

143. Marcus Garvey, quoted in “Report by Bureau Agent H.J. Lenon,” 3:133–34.

144. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Marcus Garvey,” Crisis 21 (January 1921), 114.

145. Quoted in Kevin Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 240.

146. These passages are based on the account in Skinner, African Americans, 444–46.

147. Nathaniel R. Richardson, Liberia’s Past and Present (London: Diplomatic Press, 1959), 135; ibid., 444–45. On Harding’s return to the practice of appointing black politicians to positions of importance in the black community, see W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Political Rebirth of the Office Seeker,” Crisis 21 (January 1921): 104. Harding’s appointment of Solomon Porter Hood, a black man, to the post of minister resident to Liberia is chronicled in James A. Padgett, “Ministers to Liberia and Their Diplomacy,” Journal of Negro History 22, no. 1 (1937): 87–88.

148. Charles King, “An Open Letter from the President of Liberia,” Crisis 22 (June 1921), 53.

149. Skinner, African Americans, 444–46, 447–49; Sundiata, Brothers and Others, 72–78.

150. Skinner, African Americans, 444–46.

151. Sundiata, Brothers and Others, 78–79, 101–4.

152. Joseph E. Harris, African American Reactions to War in Ethiopia, 1936–1941 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994), 2–3. See also Bishop Alexander Walters, My Life and Work (New York: Revell, 1917), 253; Contee, “Emergence of Du Bois,” 48–63; Robert Pankhurst, “Menelik and the Utilisation of Foreign Skills in Ethiopia,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies 5 (1967): 65–67.

153. Harris, African American Reactions, 6.

154. Weisbord, Ebony Kinship, 87–89.

155. Ibid., 89.

156. William R. Scott, The Sons of Sheba’s Race: African Americans and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935–1941 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 12–23.

157. The Philadelphia Pacific Movement to Emperor Haile Selassie, quoted in Harris, African American Reactions, 38.

158. See New York Times, September 10, 1935; Amsterdam News, October 12, 1935 and January 11, 1936; Pittsburgh Courier, October 30, 1935; Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 112; Weisbord, Ebony Kinship, 97.

159. See, for example, Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 211–14.

160. The evolution of the U.S. neutrality policy during the second Italian-Ethiopian War is thoroughly explored in Brice Harris Jr., The United States and the Italo-Ethiopian Crisis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), 53–62.

161. Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 64–70.

162. James H. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans: Black Americans and Africa, 1935–1961 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 34–39.

163. Harris, African American Reactions, 42–44.

164. Ibid., 48.

165. Ibid.

166. Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 138.

167. See New York Times, July 15, 1935; Pittsburgh Courier, July 20, 1935; New York Age, July 20, 1935. See also Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 136–37.

168. Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 136–37.

169. Ibid.

170. Indeed, if we are to accept the accounts of Roosevelt’s aides, it is clear that the thirty-second president even rooted for Ethiopia to score an unlikely victory over the fascist Mussolini. See Harris, United States, 53–62.

171. Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 138.

172. Ibid., 141.

173. See Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 53; Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 145–46.

CHAPTER 3. PROTECTING “FERTILE FIELDS”

1. New York Times, June 7, 1946; New Africa (June 1946); Hollis Lynch, Black American Radicals and the Liberation of Africa: The Council on African Affairs, 1937–1955 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1978), 32–33.

2. Lynch, Black American Radicals, 32.

3. John Foster Dulles to Paul Robeson, chairman, Council on African Affairs, December 7, 1946, William Alphaeus Hunton Papers [hereafter Hunton Papers], Box 1, Folder 16 (CAA 1945–55), New York Public Library, New York [hereafter NYPL]; Council on African Affairs (CAA) Press Release, April 9, 1947, Hunton Papers, Reel 2, NYPL. New Africa 5, no. 6 (1946); New York Times, June 7, 1946; Pittsburgh Courier, October 26, 1946; Chicago Defender, November 2, 1946; Lynch, Black American Radicals, 34–35; Penny Von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anti-Colonialism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 87–95.

4. Lynch, Black American Radicals, 32.

5. For treatments of the rise of Truman’s national security regime, see Robert Messer, The End of an Alliance: James F. Byrnes, Roosevelt, Truman, and the Origins of the Cold War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Michael J. Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945–1954 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

6. Pittsburgh Courier, May 3, 1947; Lynch, Black American Radicals, 35.

7. Attorney General Tom Clark, quoted in Lynch, Black American Radicals, 36. See also David Caute, The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978), 32.

8. For Robeson’s remarks on the nature of “Soviet Democracy,” see New Africa (December 1945). For an excellent treatment of Robeson’s views during this period, see Martin Duberman, Paul Robeson: A Biography (New York: The New Press, 1989), 303–6.

9. Hunton Papers, Box 1, Folder 16 (CAA Correspondence), NYPL; New York Times, February 3, February 4, and April 6, 1948; Pittsburgh Courier, February 14, 1948. See also Lynch, Black American Radicals, 36–37; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 114–18; Duberman, Paul Robeson, 330–33; Gerald Horne, Black and Red: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Afro-American Response to the Cold War, 1944–1963 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 115–19.

10. New York Times, May 29, June 20, and September 29, 1948. See also Lynch, Black American Radicals, 37.

11. Lynch, Black American Radicals, 39.

12. Duberman, Paul Robeson, 333; James H. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans: Black Americans and Africa, 1935–1961 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 81–88.

13. Lynch, Black American Radicals, 39; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 134–42.

14. Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 171–89; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 109–18; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 82–89.

15. Plummer, Rising Wind, 210–214; Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 3–18, 18–47; Thomas Borstelmann, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001); Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 84–89.

16. Horne, Black and Red, 91–92; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 120; Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 174–211.

17. Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 109–21.

18. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 83.

19. Horne, Black and Red, 75–82.

20. “Du Bois Quits as Crisis Editor,” Atlanta Daily World, June 12, 1934, 1; Elliot M. Rudwick, “Du Bois’ Last Year as Crisis Editor,” Journal of Negro History 57, no. 4 (1958): 526–33.

21. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The History of Race Provincialism,” Pittsburgh Courier, April 25, 1936, A1.

22. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Memorandum on the Future of Africa,” November 27, 1918, Records of the NAACP, Box A12, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. See also Clarence G. Contee, “Du Bois, the NAACP, and the Pan-African Congress of 1919,” Journal of Negro History 57, no. 1 (1972): 13–28.

23. Du Bois, “Memorandum on the Future of Africa.”

24. Report of the Pan-African Conference (London, 1900), W. E. B. Du Bois Papers, Box 10, Fisk University Collection, Nashville, Tenn.

25. Minutes of the Board of Directors of the NAACP, November 11, 1918, Records of the NAACP, Box A12, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

26. Du Bois provides extremely rich commentary on the proceedings of the congress in the Crisis 17 (April 1919). See also P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: From Idea to Movement, 1776–1963 (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1982), 81–82; Immanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement (New York: Methuen, 1974), 238–40.

27. For an analysis of the achievements and press coverage of congress, see Contee, “Du Bois, the NAACP,” 13–28; John D. Hargreaves, “Maurice Delafosse on the Pan-African Congress of 1919,” African Historical Studies 1, no. 2 (1968): 233–41.

28. George Padmore, History of the Pan-African Congress: Colonial and Colored Unity (London: Hammersmith, 1963), 6; Bernard Magubane, The Ties That Bind: African American Consciousness of Africa (Trenton: African World Press, 1987), 154; Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 251–56.

29. W. E. B. Du Bois, The World and Africa (New York: International Publishers, 1946), 242–43; Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 248–62.

30. Elliot Rudwick, W.E.B. Du Bois: Voice of the Black Protest Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 254–71; David Levering Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: The Fight for Equality and the American Century, 1919–1963 (New York: Henry Holt, 2000), 279–91.

31. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Autobiography of W.E.B. Du Bois: A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First Century (New York: International Publishers, 1968), 291.

32. William R. Scott, The Sons of Sheba’s Race: African Americans and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935–1941 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 106–24; Plummer, Rising Wind, 40–48.

33. Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 124–27; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 34–37.

34. Alexander DeConde, Ethnicity, Race, and American Foreign Policy: A History (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992), 69–99; Tony Smith, Foreign Attachments: The Power of Ethnic Groups in the Making of American Foreign Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 30–35, 50–54.

35. Walter White to Secretary of State Cordell Hull, March 20, 1935, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box C192, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C.

36. NAACP telegram to Ambassador Maxim Litivinov, League of Nations, Geneva, Switzerland, May 22, 1935, and Walter White to Charles Hamilton Houston, Washington, D.C., May 22, 1935, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box C192, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C. See also Scott, Sons of Sheba’s Race, 125–26.

37. Walter White to Rayford Logan, July 8, 1935, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box C192, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C. See also Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 28.

38. Walter White, “Secretary’s Report,” July 1935, Records of the NAACP, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C., Series II, Box C192.

39. Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois, 346–49; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 37.

40. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 37.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid., 40.

43. NAACP, “Statement on the Italian-Ethiopian War,” October 19, 1935, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box C192, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C.

44. Horne, Black and Red, 22–24; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 118–20; Singh, Black Is a Country, 178–79.

45. Charles Flint Kellog, NAACP: A History of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 1909–1920 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1967); August Meier and John H. Bracey, “The NAACP as Reform Movement, 1909–1965: To Reach the Conscience of America,” Journal of Southern History 59 (1993): 3–30.

46. Manfred Berg, “Black Civil Rights and Liberal Anticommunism: The NAACP and the Early Cold War,” Journal of American History 94, no. 1 (June 2007), 78.

47. Irving Howe and Louis Coser, The American Communist Party: A Critical History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 12–19.

48. Earl Ofari Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds: Race and Conflict, 1919–1990 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1995), 9.

49. Worker’s Council 1 (December 15, 1921); Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 9.

50. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 10.

51. Ibid., 9–10.

52. For an excellent recent account of this history of exclusion, see Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 1–44.

53. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 10–11; Phillip S. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619–1973 (New York: Praeger, 1974), 154–56.

54. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 154–56.

55. Abram L. Harris, “Negro Labor’s Quarrel with White Workingmen,” Current History 21 (September 1926): 903.

56. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 155–57.

57. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 11–12.

58. Note that the disappointment that many black workers felt with their treatment at the hands of mainstream labor did not translate into large gains for the CP-USA.

59. Theodore Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia (New York: Viking Press, 1969), 18–22.

60. Ibid.

61. Berg, “Black Civil Rights and Liberal Anticommunism,” 79.

62. Ibid.

63. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 13.

64. New York Amsterdam News, January 3, 1923.

65. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 15.

66. Baltimore Afro-American, August 11, 1922.

67. Claude McKay, Crisis 23 (December 1922): 65.

68. Claude McKay, A Long Way from Home (New York: Lee Furman, 1937), 160–65.

69. W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Class Struggle,” Crisis 22 (August 1921): 151.

70. Berg, “Black Civil Rights and Liberal Anticommunism,” 79.

71. Ibid.

72. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 16–17.

73. Ibid.

74. Ibid., 17.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid., 18.

77. “President General’s Reply,” Garvey and UNIA Papers, 3: 681, quoted in Negro World, August 27, 1921.

78. Colin Grant, Negro with a Hat: The Rise and Fall of Marcus Garvey (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 310–11.

79. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 18.

80. Ibid., 19.

81. Ibid.

82. Ibid.

83. Ibid., 20.

84. Ibid., 19.

85. Robert Minor, quoted in ibid.

86. New York Times, January 17, 1926.

87. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 23.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid., 118.

90. Ibid.

91. Ibid.

92. Berg, “Black Civil Rights and Liberal Anticommunism,” 79.

93. Ibid.

94. Quoted in ibid.

95. Quoted in ibid.

96. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 118.

97. Ibid.

98. Berg, “Black Civil Rights and Liberal Anticommunism,” 80.

99. M. J. Heale, American Anti-Communism: Combating the Enemy Within, 1830–1970 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 124–25.

100. Ibid., 124.

101. Ibid.

102. “‘Treason’ in Strike Is Laid to Murphy,” New York Times, October 22, 1938; Sidney Olson, “Judge Is Dies; Witness Raises Politics Issue; Reds Rush Denials,” Washington Post, October 22, 1938.

103. Sidney Olson, “Roosevelt Calls Dies Quiz Unfair,” Washington Post, October 26, 1938; “The Dies Committee,” Washington Post, October 27, 1938; “Good Logic—Apply It,” Wall Street Journal, October 27, 1938.

104. See, for example, “Roosevelt Condemns Dies Group,” Atlanta Daily World, October 26, 1938.

105. “Weekly Topic,” Chicago Defender, December 10, 1938.

106. Ibid.

107. Hutchinson, Blacks and Reds, 129–31.

108. R. J. Burgess, “Letter to the Editor,” Chicago Defender, July 1, 1933, 15.

109. “Treat Negro as Equal or Make Him a Radical,” Pittsburgh Courier, March 21, 1931, 15.

110. “Mr. White on Communism,” Chicago Defender, January 16, 1932, 14.

111. “Making a Fertile Field,” Chicago Defender, August 2, 1930, 14.

112. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 9–13; Borstelmann, Cold War, 45–48.

113. Harry S. Truman, “Lincoln Memorial Speech,” Public Papers of the United States: Harry S. Truman, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to December 31, 1947 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1947), 311–13; New York Times, June 30, 1947.

114. Harry S. Truman, “Special Message to the Congress on Civil Rights,” February 2, 1948, Public Papers of the United States: Harry S. Truman, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, 1948 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1964), 121–26.

115. Harry S. Truman, “Establishing the President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services, Executive Order 9981,” Federal Register 13, July 26, 1948, 4313.

116. Robert Zangrando, The NAACP Crusade against Lynching, 1909–1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980), 201–2; Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 87–89; Borstelmann, Cold War, 65–69.

117. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 89–90.

118. Richard T. Rutten, Quest and Response: Minority Rights and the Truman Administration (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1973), 261–64; Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 67.

119. For excellent treatments of the political context and the internal dynamics of the Warren Court leading up to the Brown v. Board of Education ruling, see Richard Kluger, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and the Black Struggle for Equality (New York: Vintage Books, 2004); Michael Klarman, Brown v. Board of Education and the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).

120. Mary Dudziak, “Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative,” Stanford Law Review 41 (November 1988): 61–120; Philip A. Klinkner and Rogers Smith, The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 202–42.

121. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 102–7.

122. Harold R. Isaacs, “World Affairs and U.S. Race Relations: A Note on Little Rock,” Public Opinion Quarterly 22 (1958): 364–70; Mary Dudziak, “The Little Rock Crisis and Foreign Affairs: Race, Resistance, and the Image of American Democracy,” Southern California Law Review 70 (1997): 1641–716; Cary Fraser, “Crossing the Color Line in Little Rock: The Eisenhower Administration and the Dilemma of Race for U.S. Foreign Policy,” Diplomatic History (2000): 233–64; Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 115–52.

123. Horne, Black and Red, 201–22; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 107–9; Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 43–46, 67; Borstelmann, Cold War, 85–134; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 82–87.

124. Horne, Black and Red, 41–73; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 114–18, 146–50.

125. Thomas J. Noer, Cold War and Black Liberation: The United States and White Rule in Africa, 1948–1968 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1985), 144–54; Thomas Borstelmann, Apartheid’s Reluctant Uncle: The United States and Southern Africa in the Early Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).

126. Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 118.

127. Ibid.

128. See, for example, Aaron Wildavsky, “The Two Presidencies,” Transaction 4, no. 2 (1996): 7–14; John Spanier and Eric M. Uslaner, How Foreign Policy Is Made (New York: Praeger, 1974), 28–54.

129. Anthony Downs, Inside Bureaucracy (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967); William A. Niskanen Jr., Bureaucracy and Representative Government (Chicago: Aldine-Atherton, 1971); Kenneth Meier, Politics and Bureaucracy: Policymaking in the Fourth Branch of Government (North Scituate, Mass., 1979); James Q. Wilson, Bureaucracy (New York: Basic Books, 1989).

130. Daniel P. Carpenter, The Forging of Bureaucratic Autonomy: Reputations, Networks, and Policy Innovation in Executive Agencies, 1862–1928 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).

131. Theodore Sorenson, Kennedy (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1965), 96.

132. Noer, Cold War and Black Liberation, 63, 67; David Halberstam, The Best and the Brightest (New York: Random House, 1972), 99–101.

133. Sorenson, Kennedy, 96.

134. Noer, Cold War and Black Liberation, 63–65; Whitney W. Schneidman, Engaging Africa: Washington and the Fall of Portugal’s Colonial Empire (Lanham: University Press of America, 2004), 19–21.

135. Report of the Task Force on the Portuguese Territories in Africa, July 12, 1961, NSF: Angola, Box 5, John Fitzgerald Kennedy Library, Boston, Mass. [hereafter JFKL]; Noer, Cold War and Black Liberation, 79–81; Rusk to American Embassy Lisbon, July 28, 1961, NSF: Angola, Box 5, JFKL.

136. Quoted in New York Times, October 26, 1961, 16.

137. Abram Chayes, Legal Advisor, Department of State, Oral History Interview, transcript, JFKL; Jean Edward Smith, The Defense of Berlin (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963), 240–47; Arthur Schlesinger, A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), 383–84.

138. Noer, Cold War and Black Liberation, 65.

139. Bundy to Johnson, July 28, 1961, NSF: Africa, Box 2, JFKL.

140. See, for example, G. Mennen Williams to Kenneth Holland, January 24, 1960, Williams Papers, Box 1, National Archives and Records Administration [hereafter NARA], College Park, Md. See also Vernon McKay, “A Tribute to Governor Williams,” Report of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, special issue of African Studies Bulletin 5, no. 4 (1962): 2–5.

141. John Abernathy, Special Assistant to G. Mennen Williams, to Williams, May 29, 1962, Williams Papers, Box 1, NARA, College Park, Md.

142. “Advisory Council Meeting,” June 13 and 14, 1962, Williams Papers, Box 15, NARA, College Park, Md.

143. Ibid., 5–57; Paula P. Pfeffer, A. Philip Randolph: Pioneer of the Civil Rights Movement (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 142, 150, 152.

144. George Houser, “Summary of Meeting Held on May 16 on Afro-American Leadership Conference on American Policy toward Africa,” May 22, 1962, Records of the NAACP, Box A198, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. For evidence of Houser’s use of the PACA proceedings to mobilize black leaders, see Minutes of the Steering Committee of the American Committee on Africa, June 20, 1962, A. Philip Randolph Papers, Box 1, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

145. John Morsell, NAACP staff member, to Roy Wilkins, July 23, 1962, Records of the NAACP, Box A198, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Call Committee of the ANLCA to Black Leaders, August 21, 1962, Records of the NAACP, Box A198, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. See also George Houser, No One Can Stop the Rain: Glimpses of Africa’s Liberation Struggle (New York: Pilgrim Press, 1989), 266.

146. Dorothy Height, Open Wide the Freedom Gates (New York: Public Affairs Books, 2003), 230–31.

147. New York Times, November 24, November 25, November 26, and December 2, 1962; ANLCA “Resolutions,” NAACP-ANLCA, Box A198, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., November 23, 1962. See also Roy Wilkins, “Keynote Address before the ANLCA Conference,” November 23, 1962, 1–3, NAACP-ANLCA, Box A198, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

148. New York Times, November 26, 1962.

149. ANLCA, “Resolutions,” NAACP-ANLCA, Box A194, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., November 23, 1962; Roy Wilkins to Kennedy, November 26, 1962, Records of the NAACP, Box A194, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

150. G. Mennen Williams to Roy Wilkins, December 1, 1962, Williams Papers, Box 16, NARA, College Park, Md.

151. Williams to Dean Rusk, December 3, 1962, Williams Papers, Box 16, NARA, College Park, Md.

152. Theodore Brown, Executive Director of the ANLCA, to Call Committee Members, March 29, 1963, NAACP-ANLCA, Box A194, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

153. Williams to Robert Manning, April 22, 1963, Williams Papers, Box 16, NARA, College Park, Md.

154. J. Wayne Fredericks to Dean Rusk, June 6, 1963, and Williams to Rusk, June 7, 1963, Williams Papers, Box 16, NARA, College Park, Md.

CHAPTER 4. “THE TIME FOR FREEDOM HAS COME”

1. Brian Urquhardt, Ralph Bunche: An American Life (New York: W. W. Norton, 1993), 339.

2. “Riot in Gallery Halts UN Debate,” New York Times, February 16, 1961; James H. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans: Black Americans and Africa, 1935–1961 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 233.

3. “Angry African Students Storm Embassies,” Chicago Defender, February 15, 1961; “Belgium and United States Key Targets in Protests of Lumumba’s Slaying in Congo,” Atlanta Daily World, February 15, 1961.

4. “Riot in Gallery Halts UN Debate”; “UN Rioting Laid to Pro-Africans,” New York Times, February 16, 1961; “The Disgraceful Spectacle at the UN,” Atlanta Daily World, February 17, 1961.

5. Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 302–3; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 234.

6. “Negroes Picket U.N. without Riots,” Washington Post, February 17, 1961; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 234.

7. “Riot in Gallery Halts UN Debate,” 1.

8. UPI wire report, quoted in Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 233.

9. “Negroes Picket U.N. without Riots,” A12.

10. “Hoodlums,” New York Times, February 17, 1961.

11. “Negroes Picket U.N. without Riots,” A12.

12. Urquhardt, Ralph Bunche, 37–64; Charles P. Henry, Ralph Bunche: Model Negro or American Other? (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 48–65.

13. “U.N. Offices Remain under Heavy Guard,” Washington Post, February 18, 1961, A6.

14. “Riots in Gallery Halts UN Debate.”

15. “NAACP Press Release,” February 16, 1961, Series A, Box 34, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

16. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 234.

17. P. L. Prattis, “Horizon,” Pittsburgh Courier, March 4, 1961, A9.

18. James L. Hicks, “The Apologists,” New York Amsterdam News, February 25, 1961, 8.

19. Ibid.

20. Warren Hall, “An Old Trick,” New York Amsterdam News, March 25, 1961, 11.

21. Grace Johnson, “At Long Last!” New York Amsterdam News, April 1, 1961.

22. D. Parker, “He Can’t Wait,” New York Amsterdam News, April 1, 1961, 8.

23. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 235.

24. Manning Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1984), 95–108; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 148–49.

25. Stanley Crouch, The Artificial White Man: Essays on Authenticity (New York: Basic Civitas, 2005).

26. “Board of Directors Minutes,” February 13, 1945, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box A135, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; W. E. B. Du Bois to Roy Wilkins, February 28, 1945, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box A240, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Gerald Horne, Black and Red: W.E.B Du Bois and the Afro-American Response to the Cold War, 1944–1963 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 27–28.

27. Horne, Black and Red, 28–30; Plummer, Rising Wind, 133; Penny Von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anti-Colonialism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 76–77.

28. Horne, Black and Red, 28–30; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 76–77.

29. W. E. B. Du Bois, “San Francisco,” Crisis, June 1945; Horne, Black and Red, 33–39; Plummer, Rising Wind, 125–65.

30. W. E. B. Du Bois, “A Forum of Fact and Opinion,” Pittsburgh Courier, April 25, 1936.

31. David Levering Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: The Fight for Equality and the American Century, 1919–1963 (New York: Henry Holt, 2000), 420–27.

32. Ibid., 511–15.

33. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Pan-African Movement,” April–May 1945, Spingarn Papers, Box 30, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 66.

34. “Board of Directors Minutes,” April 9, 1945, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box A135, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

35. “Minutes of the Pan-African Congress Meeting,” July 12, 1945, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box A6, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid.

38. Walter White to W. E. B. Du Bois, July 31, 1945, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box A135, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

39. “Board of Directors Minutes,” September 10, 1945, Records of the NAACP, Series II, Box A241, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

40. W. E. B. Du Bois to Walter White, November 14, 1946, Records of the NAACP, Series A, Box 241, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

41. Plummer, Rising Wind; Von Eschen, Race against Empire; Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Thomas Borstelmann, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001).

42. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 1–10, 200–207.

43. Robert Weisbord, Ebony Kinship: Africa, Africans, and the Afro-American (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973), 181–86; P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: From Idea to Movement, 1776–1963 (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1982), 76–82.

44. Plummer, Rising Wind, 72–73, 218–20.

45. Ibid., 28–29.

46. The analysis was generated by two coders working independently to screen news content related to India and Ghana for expressions of linked-fate. The intercoder reliability was 94 percent. In the 6 percent of cases in which the coders did not agree on whether the item contained an expression of linked fate, I adjudicated the disagreement by serving as a third coder.

47. Coretta Scott King, My Life with Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Holt, Rhinehart, and Winston, 1969), 155.

48. The analysis was generated by two coders working independently to screen news content related to Ethiopia and Ghana for characterizations that portrayed these nations as “primitive,” “savage,” “uncivilized,” “barbarous,” or some similar construction. The intercoder reliability for this study was 98 percent. In the 2 percent of cases in which the coders did not agree on whether the item contained such content, I adjudicated the disagreement by serving as a third coder.

49. Martin Meredith, In the Name of Apartheid: South Africa in the Post-War Period (London: Hamilton, 1988), 54–56.

50. Leo Kuper, Passive Resistance in South Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957), 99–106.

51. Ibid., 106–11.

52. For an excellent brief summary of the interactions between the government and the protesters, see Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 103–6.

53. Ibid., 104.

54. Ibid.

55. Ibid., 106.

56. Thomas Karis, From Protest to Challenge: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882–1990 (Pretoria: UNISA Press, 1997), 484–86.

57. Thomas Borstelmann, Apartheid’s Reluctant Uncle: The United States and Southern Africa in the Early Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 77–80.

58. Robert B. Edgerton, Mau Mau: An African Crucible (New York: The Free Press, 1989), 63–66.

59. David Throup, Economic and Social Origins of the Mau Mau, 1945–1953 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1988), 3–11.

60. Edgerton, Mau Mau, 1–41.

61. Throup, Economic and Social Origins, 3–11.

62. Wunyabari Maloba, Mau Mau and Kenya: An Analysis of a Peasant Revolt (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 24–44.

63. Ibid., 45–59.

64. Edgerton, Mau Mau, 41–68.

65. Maloba, Mau Mau and Kenya, 70–77.

66. Ibid., 81–85; Edgerton, Mau Mau, 105–6.

67. Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa (New York: Houghton-Mifflin, 1999), 1–46.

68. Ibid.

69. Ibid.; Roger Anstey, King Leopold’s Legacy: The Congo under Belgian Rule, 1908–1960 (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 1–36; Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 210.

70. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 210.

71. Ibid.

72. Donald Young, Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and Independence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), 297–300; Thomas Kanza, The Rise and Fall of Patrice Lumumba: Conflict in the Congo (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1972), 33–40.

73. Kanza, Rise and Fall, 152–64. Young, Politics in the Congo, 307–57.

74. Kanza, Rise and Fall, 162–64.

75. Ibid., 173–78.

76. Ibid., 182–94.

77. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 216–17.

78. Kanza, Rise and Fall, 236–60.

79. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 218–19.

80. Kanza, Rise and Fall, 265–324.

81. See, for example, Plummer, Rising Wind, 167–217.

82. “An Important Message from Paul Robeson,” Spotlight on Africa, February 25, 1952.

83. “Harlem Speaks for South African Freedom,” Spotlight on Africa, April 14, 1952; “Harlemites Picket for South Africa’s Freedom,” Atlanta Daily World, April 8, 1952.

84. “An Important Message from Paul Robeson,” 1.

85. William Alphaeus Hunton to Reverend Donald Harrington, March 21, 1952, William Alphaeus Hunton Papers [hereafter Hunton Papers], Box 1, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library, New York [hereafter NYPL].

86. George Houser to William Alphaeus Hunton, March 28, 1952, Hunton Papers, Box 1, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, NYPL.

87. “Harlemites Protest,” New York Amsterdam News, April 5, 1952.

88. Ibid.

89. Mary McLeod Bethune, “Words of South African Racists Are Compared with Hitler’s Mein Kampf,” Chicago Defender, July 26, 1952, 10. See also Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 113.

90. Bethune, “Words of South African Racists,” 10.

91. “Powell Asks Cut in Aid to Kenya,” Baltimore Afro-American, July 11, 1953, 8.

92. “Resolution on Kenya,” Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters to the AFL Annual Convention, September 1953, Box 123, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

93. Ibid.

94. A. Philip Randolph to President Dwight David Eisenhower, June 17, 1953, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1955), 2:42–43.

95. “Resolution on Kenya,” Records of the NAACP, 1, 1951–1955 supplement, 8/233, 12/239-40, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

96. Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans, 137.

97. Thomas J. Noer, “Segregationists and the World: The Foreign Policy of White Resistance,” in Window on Freedom: Race, Civil Rights, and Foreign Affairs, 1945–1988, ed. Brenda Gayle Plummer (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 141–63.

98. “Nixon, Powell, Diggs to Ghana Celebration,” New York Amsterdam News, February 16, 1957; Ethel Payne, “World’s Notables See Ghana Born,” Chicago Defender, March 9, 1957.

99. Ethel L. Payne, “King Gets Bid to DC from Nixon in Accra,” Chicago Defender, March 6, 1957.

100. A. P. Randolph, “Can Ghana Make It?” New York Amsterdam News, March 30, 1957, 1.

101. Ibid.

102. Ibid.

103. Quoted in “Ghana, with Eventful Past, Looks Forward to the Future,” Atlanta Daily World, March 13, 1957, 2.

104. Stan Grant, “King Asks Nixon’s Aid in Ghana,” New York Amsterdam News, March 9, 1957; Payne, “King Gets Bid.”

105. See Gerald Gill, “Ain’t Gonna Shuffle No More,” in The Eyes on the Prize, ed. Clayborne Carson, David J. Garrow, Gerald Gill, Vincent Harding, and Darlene Clark Hine (New York: Penguin Books, 1987), 442–43; Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion, 97–99; Harold Cruse, Rebellion or Revolution? (New York: William Morrow, 1968), 206–7, 213–15; Debbie Louis, We Are Not Saved: A History of the Movement as People (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press, 1970), 296–97.

CHAPTER 5. “WE ARE A POWER BLOC”

1. See, for example, Robert Singh, The Congressional Black Caucus: Racial Politics in the U.S. Congress (Thousand Oaks: Russell Sage, 1998), 70–95; Katherine Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror: African Americans and Their Representatives in the U.S. Congress (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 73–96.

2. Indeed, this incident was only the second time in the twentieth century that Congress took such action. See Gary L. Galemore, “Congressional Overrides of Presidential Vetoes,” Congressional Research Service, Report 95-1137, Washington, D.C., October 16, 1996, 1. For an account of how the potential of an override created deep anxieties in the Reagan administration, see Chester A. Crocker, High Noon in Southern Africa: Making Peace in a Rough Neighborhood (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992), 329.

3. Alvin B. Tillery Jr., “Black Americans and the Creation of America’s Africa Policies: The De-Racialization of Pan-African Politics,” in The African Diaspora: Old World Origins and New World Self-Fashioning, ed. Carol Boyce Davies, Isidore Okpewho, and Ali Mazrui (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 526–53.

4. Yossi Shain, Marketing the American Creed Abroad: Diasporas in the U.S. and Their Homelands (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 163–64; Tony Smith, Foreign Attachments: The Power of Ethnic Groups in the Making of American Foreign Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 71–72; Ronald Walters, “The African Growth and Opportunity Act: Changing Foreign Policy Priorities toward Africa in a Conservative Political Culture,” in Foreign Policy and the Black (Inter)national Interest, ed. Charles Henry (Albany: SUNY Press, 2000), 17–37.

5. Ronald Walters, “African-American Influence on U.S. Foreign Policy toward South Africa,” in Ethnic Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy, ed. Mohammed E. Ahrani (New York: Greenwood, 1987), 65–83; Hanes Walton, African American Power and Politics: The Political Context Variable (New York: Columbia University Press), 352–69; Smith, Foreign Attachments, 61–63.

6. For an excellent discussion of this method, see Beth Leech, “Asking Questions: Techniques for Semi-Structured Interviews,” PS: Political Science and Politics 35, No. 4 (2002): 665–68.

7. See, for example, Kenny Whitby, The Color of Representation: Congressional Behavior and Black Interests (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 86–87; Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 37–40. For other works in which this assumption is implicit, see Carol M. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African Americans in Congress (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993); David T. Cannon, Race, Redistricting, and Representation: The Unintended Consequences of Black Majority Districts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); David Lublin, The Paradox of Representation: Racial Gerrymandering and Minority Interests in Congress (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999).

8. Quoted in Marguerite Ross Barnett, “The Congressional Black Caucus,” in Congress against the President, ed. Harvey Mansfield Sr. (New York: Praeger, 1975), 35.

9. Quoted in ibid.

10. William L. Clay Sr., Just Permanent Interests: Black Americans in Congress (New York: Amistad Press, 1993), 117.

11. See, for example, Richard F. Fenno, Congressmen in Committees (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973), xiii–xvii; David R. Mayhew, Congress: The Electoral Connection (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), 87–97, 92–97; Kenneth A. Shepsle, The Giant Jigsaw Puzzle: Democratic Committee Assignments in the Modern House (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978).

12. Mayhew, Congress, 13.

13. Nelson Polsby, Miriam Gallaher, and Barry S. Rundquist, “The Growth of the Seniority System in the U.S. House of Representatives,” American Political Science Review 63 (September 1969): 787–807; David Rohde, Parties and Leaders in the Post-Reform House (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 5. For a statement of the importance of cracking the seniority system for the long-term success of the CBC, see Lucius J. Barker and Jesse McCorry Jr., Black Americans and the Political System (Cambridge, Mass.: Winthrop Publishers, 1976), 299–301.

14. Shepsle, Giant Jigsaw Puzzle, 112–28; See also Barbara Sinclair, Majority Leadership in the U.S. House (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), 1–3, 22–23.

15. James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, The Calculus of Consent (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962), 144–46; Fenno, Congressmen in Committees, 58, 165–66; James T. Murphy, “Political Parties and the Pork Barrel: Party Conflict and Cooperation in House Public Works Committee Decision Making,” American Political Science Review 68 (March 1974): 169–85.

16. Dianne Pinderhughes, Race, Ethnicity and Chicago Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 267.

17. For an account of how Oscar De Priest began the tradition of challenging segregation within the institution of Congress, see “De Priest Jolts Congress,” Chicago Defender, March 31, 1934, 10. On Adam Clayton Powell’s efforts to overturn these rules, see Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 73; Charles V. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: The Political Biography of an American Dilemma (New York: Macmillan, 1991), 178, 186–87.

18. Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 79–84; Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 108.

19. Telephone interview with the Honorable William L. Clay Sr. (D-Mo.), member of Congress 1968–2000, May 12, 2002. See also Clay, Just Permanent Interests, 174–81; Nadine Cohodas, “Black House Members Striving for Influence,” Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, April 13, 1985, 675–81.

20. Telephone interview with Clay.

21. Alex Poinsett, “The Congressional Black Caucus: Five Years Later,” in Black Americans and the Political System, ed. Lucius Barker and Jesse McCorry Jr. (Cambridge, Mass.: Winthrop Publishers, 1976), 291.

22. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests, 167.

23. Ibid., 218.

24. Robert Dahl, Congress and Foreign Policy (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1950), 10–23.

25. Ibid., 13.

26. Ibid., 58.

27. Ibid., 13–14.

28. Fenno, Congressmen in Committees, 9–13.

29. Ibid.

30. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 178, 186–87.

31. Wil Haygood, King of the Cats: The Life and Times of Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1993), 113.

32. Clay, Just Permanent Interests, 75–76; ibid., 117.

33. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests, 34–35.

34. Quoted in Edward T. Clayton, The Negro Politician: His Success and Failure (Chicago: Johnson Publishing, 1964), 73.

35. James Q. Wilson, “Two Negro Politicians: An Interpretation,” Midwest Journal of Political Science 4 (1960), 346–39; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 480–81; Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 47; Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 126.

36. The importance of the Chicago machine within the national Democratic Party forced the southerners who dominated the Committee on Committees to allow Dawson to become the first black person to chair a standing committee in the history of the House of Representatives. See Wilson, “Two Negro Politicians,” 356–59.

37. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 139–199, 480–81; Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 47–48.

38. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 175–99.

39. Ibid., 332–38.

40. Ibid., 259–313.

41. Interview with Randall Robinson, president of TransAfrica and former legislative aide to Representative Charles Diggs, April 23, 1998, Washington, D.C. See also Randall Robinson, Defending the Spirit: A Black Life in America (New York: Dutton Press, 1998), 90–94; Clay, Just Permanent Interests, 86–87.

42. Black Americans in the middle of the twentieth century used the phrase race man to describe someone who championed the causes of the black race before white Americans. St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton provide the first serious interrogation of the importance of the phrase as a cultural and political construct in the black community; see their Black Metropolis: A Study in the Life of a Northern City (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1945), 390–92. For an excellent meditation on the importance of the concept, see Hazel Carby, Race Men (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998).

43. Haygood, King of the Cats, 195; Carolyn P. Du Bose, Charles Diggs: The Untold Story (Arlington, Va.: Barton Publishing, 1998), 40–43, 79.

44. Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 247.

45. Adam Clayton Powell Jr., Adam by Adam: The Autobiography of Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (New York: Dial Press, 1971), 102–6.

46. Adam Clayton Powell Jr. to Maxwell Rabb, Secretary to the Cabinet, February 2, 1955, Central Files, Dwight David Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas [hereafter DDEL]. See also Powell, Adam by Adam, 103–5; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 241; Haygood, King of the Cats, 199–200; Plummer, Rising Wind, 250.

47. W. K. Scott, Assistant to President Eisenhower, to Maxwell Rabb, February 16, 1955, Central Files, DDEL. See also Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 245; Haygood, King of the Cats, 200; Plummer, Rising Wind, 250–51; Penny Von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anti-Colonialism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 170; Thomas Borstelmann, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), 96.

48. Powell and Eisenhower developed a personal fondness for one another and a solid working relationship on civil rights issues during Eisenhower’s first year in office. See Powell, Adam by Adam, 96–97.

49. Ibid., 103–4; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 241–43; Haygood, King of the Cats, 201–2; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 170; Plummer, Rising Wind, 250; Borstelmann, Cold War and the Color Line, 96.

50. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 242.

51. Ibid., 243; Haygood, King of the Cats, 202–3.

52. Homer Bigart, “Powell Tells Asia about U.S. Negro; Red Newsmen Find Him off the ‘Line,’” New York Herald Tribune, April 18, 1955.

53. Richard Wright, The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference (New York: World Publishing, 1956), 177–79; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 242–43; Haygood, King of the Cats, 203; Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 170.

54. “Mr. Powell at Bandung,” Baltimore Afro-American, April 30, 1955. See also Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 171.

55. James L. Hicks, quoted in Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 171.

56. Ibid., 171; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 248; Haygood, King of the Cats, 202–3.

57. Powell, Adam by Adam, 118–19.

58. Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 244.

59. Adam Clayton Powell Jr., “My Mission to Bandung: How Washington Blundered,” Nation, May 28, 1955, 455; Powell, Adam by Adam, 107–8. See also Plummer, Rising Wind, 249–53.

60. In the months following the Bandung episode, Powell requested that Eisenhower name him to the official U.S. delegation headed to the Ghanaian independence ceremonies in early 1957. The decision to send the delegation represented a major shift in U.S. strategy vis-à-vis the new states of the Third World. Because his performance at Bandung had played a major role in pushing the administration in this new direction, Powell believed that he was due some official recognition at the event. See Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 281; Haygood, King of the Cats, 224.

61. In my interviews with them, both Representative Clay and Randall Robinson commented to me that Representative Diggs had told them that Powell was instrumental to his developing an internationalist perspective when he entered the Congress in 1955.

62. Thomas J. Noer, Cold War and Black Liberation: The United States and White Rule in Africa, 1948–1968 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1985), 49; Plummer, Rising Wind, 246; Borstelmann, Cold War and the Color Line, 109.

63. Haygood, King of the Cats, 224; Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 281–82.

64. The speaker of the House, Representative Sam Rayburn (D-Tex; 1913–1960), blocked Powell’s appointment to the delegation by threatening officials at the Department of State with a loss of funding. Rayburn made this move to punish Powell for endorsing Eisenhower in the presidential election of 1956. See Hamilton, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., 280–81; Haygood, King of the Cats, 224.

65. Maxwell Rabb to Sherman Adams, Assistant to President Eisenhower, February 4, 1957, and Sherman Adams to Maxwell Rabb, February 8, 1957, Central File, DDEL; Haygood, King of the Cats, 224.

66. Du Bose, Charles Diggs, 65.

67. Clay recounted in his interview with me that, when he entered the Congress in 1968, Diggs’s colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee affectionately referred to him as “Mr. Africa” because of his vast knowledge of the issues in U.S. foreign relations in the region and his campaign to raise the profile of the continent in committee proceedings. See also Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 82; Du Bose, Charles Diggs, 122.

68. New York Times, February 4, 5, 14, and 15, 1967. See also Dean Rusk, As I Saw It (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), 589–90; Shelly Leanne, “African-American Initiatives against Minority Rule in South Africa: A Politicized Diaspora in World Politics,” PhD diss., Oxford University, 1994, 267–68.

69. A number of written accounts substantiate this tradition. See Raymond W. Copson, The Congressional Black Caucus and Foreign Policy: 1971–1995 (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service, 1996), 6–9; Du Bose, Charles Diggs, 96; Ronald Dellums, Lying Down with the Lions: A Public Life from the Streets of Oakland to the Halls of Power (Boston: Beacon Press), 122.

70. Telephone interview with Clay.

71. See, for example, Representative Shirley Chisholm (D-N.Y.; 1969–1983), “Remarks on Racism in U.S. Foreign Policy,” 91st Congress, Congressional Record, 35406.

72. Interview with the Honorable Louis Stokes, member of Congress (D-Ohio), 1969–1998, June 13, 1998, Washington, D.C.

73. Both Fenno and Mayhew believe that members of Congress are primarily interested in engaging in legislative behavior that bolsters their chances for reelection. At the same time, however, their writings acknowledge that members of Congress will sometimes engage in behavior that is less likely help with their reelection in order to make good public policy. See Fenno, Congressmen in Committees; Mayhew, Congress. Keith Krehbiel, by contrast, sees legislative behavior as driven primarily by a desire to share information within the institution; Information and Legislative Organization (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991).

74. The 1969 Nixon administration review of U.S. foreign policy devotes several passages to Diggs’s influence on Capitol Hill. See U.S. National Security Council, National Security Study Memorandum 39, Annex 6, 15–16, National Security Archive, George Washington University, Washington, D.C., Document S.A. 00379.

75. Robert Kinloch Massie, Loosing the Bonds (New York: Doubleday, 1997), 301–2; Andrew J. DeRoche, “Standing Firm for Principles: Jimmy Carter and Zimbabwe,” Diplomatic History 23, no. 4 (1999), 662.

76. As it now stands, the literature about this change points only to disagreements over domestic policy issues. See Marguerite Barnett, “The Congressional Black Caucus,” in The New Black Politics: The Search for Political Power, ed. Michael B. Preston, Paul L. Puryear, and Lenneal J. Henderson (New York: Longman, 1982), 37; Poinsett, “Congressional Black Caucus,” 291–93; Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 76–78.

77. Telephone interview with Clay.

78. See, for example, Barnett, “Congressional Black Caucus,” 39, 1982 [n. 77]; Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 79–80.

79. The reform movement that swept the House of Representatives in the early 1970s diminished the power of committee chairs. For accounts of the reform movement, see Burton Shepard, Rethinking Congressional Reform (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1985); Rohde, Parties and Leaders, 17–39.

80. Because tight control over the committee system was the primary source of the Dixiecrats’ power in the House, these reforms significantly enhanced the ability of CBC members to navigate in the institution. See Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 79–81.

81. Barnett, “Congressional Black Caucus,” 37–39, 1982 [n. 77]; Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 76–81; Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 37–40.

82. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 474.

83. Ibid., 385–86.

84. Charles Diggs, “The Afro-American Stake in Africa,” Africa (November 1975), 57.

85. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 387, 404–6.

86. Ibid., 386–88.

87. See, for example, Diggs, “Afro-American Stake in Africa,” 57.

88. Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 52–54.

89. Philip V. White, “The Black American Constituency for Southern Africa, 1940–1980,” in The American People and South Africa: Public, Elites, and Policy-Making Process, ed. Alfred O. Hero Jr. and John Barratt (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath), 94–95; Francis N. Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions: African Americans against Apartheid, 1946–1994 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 98–99.

90. White, “Black American Constituency,” 94–95; Sanford J. Ungar, “South Africa in the American Media,” in The American People and South Africa: Public, Elites, and Policy-Making Process, ed. Alfred O. Hero Jr. and John Barratt (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath), 25–46; Congressional Black Caucus, “The African American Manifesto on Southern Africa,” Freedomways 16 (1976): 216–21.

91. Telephone interview with Clay.

92. Mayhew, Congress, 61–67.

93. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 473, 497–98; Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 98–110.

94. Interview with Stokes.

95. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 404; Nesbitt, Race against Sanctions, 102.

96. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 405.

97. Ibid., 404–6; Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 97–107; Randall Robinson, Defending the Spirit: A Black Life in America (New York: Dutton, 1998).

98. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 405–6.

99. Robinson, Defending the Spirit, 90–97. See also Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 104.

100. Pauline H. Baker, The United States and South Africa: The Reagan Years (New York: Ford Foundation-Foreign Policy Association, 1989), 27–30; Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 558–60; Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 105–21.

101. Baker, United States and South Africa, 29–30; Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 558–60; Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 123–28.

102. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 560; Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 124–27.

103. Interview with Robinson.

104. Peter J. Schraeder, United States Foreign Policy toward Africa: Incrementalism, Crisis and Change (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 228–31; Baker, United States and South Africa, 30–44; Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 523–80; Walton, African American Power and Politics, 364–65.

105. For more on the role that Representative Dellums played in the sanctions movement, see Dellums, Lying Down with the Lions, 121–49; Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 138, 147–48, 150–51. On Diggs’s indictment and exit from Congress, see Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 474–75.

106. Telephone interview with the Honorable Ronald V. Dellums (D-Calif.), member of Congress 1969–1998, October 11, 1998. Emphasis in original.

107. Dellums, Lying Down with the Lions, 138.

108. The member who lost the reelection was Representative Alton Walton Jr. (D-N.Y.). His loss had nothing to do with his voting record or the fact that he sponsored a sanctions bill. Indeed, Walton, who went to Congress through a special election, served only the last two months of the term of a vacated seat before a slate of more experienced and popular local politicians challenged him in the general election. See Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 58–59.

109. Telephone interview with Clay.

110. Ibid.

111. Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 59.

112. Telephone interview with Dellums. For secondary accounts that bolster Dellums’s interpretation, see Baker, United States and South Africa, 39–44; Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 558–619.

113. Telephone interview with Clay.

114. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 597–621; Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 138–49.

115. Massie, Loosing the Bonds, 558–619.

116. Telephone interview with Clay.

117. Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions, 150–51.

118. Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 70–95; Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 73–96.

119. Interview with the Honorable John Lewis (D-Ga.), member of Congress 1987–present, October 11,1997, Washington, D.C.

120. Interview with Mel Foote, president of the Constituency for Africa, May 7, 1998, Washington, D.C.

121. Interview with the Honorable Earl F. Hilliard (D-Ala.), member of Congress 1993–2003, October 10, 1997, Washington, D.C.

122. “Remarks by Representative Jim McDermott (D-WA),” Overseas Development Council, Conference on African Economic Recovery, press release, June 12, 1996, Washington, D.C.; House of Representatives, African Growth and Opportunity Act of 1996, 104th Congress, 2nd Sess., H.R. 4198, Congressional Record 142, no. 135, daily ed., September 26, 1996, E1725.

123. William H. Lash III, “Textile Trade Instead of Aid,” Journal of Commerce, July 7, 1997; John Maggs, “African Trade Bill Faces Fight in Senate,” Journal of Commerce February 27, 1998; John McCaslin, “Nation: Inside the Beltway,” Washington Times, July 20, 1999; Heidi Przybyla, “Africa Bill Draws Rally of Supporters,” Journal of Commerce, March 19, 1999.

124. McCaslin, “Nation.”

125. See, for example, Walters, “African Growth and Opportunity Act,” 17–37.

126. Representative Sanford Bishop (D-Ga.), 106th Congress, 1st Sess., Congressional Record 145, no. 101, House Documents, July 16, 1999, H5708.

127. Interview with Representative Carolyn C. Kilpatrick (D-Mich.), May 14, 1999, Washington, D.C.

128. I conducted a differences of means test using SATA statistical software ver. 9. I compiled the data on the thirty-six congressional districts by merging the Bureau of Labor Statistics aggregate data sets on the economic environment in metropolitan statistical areas and counties. The results of the test are statistically significant at the P < 0.05 level.

129. For excellent primers on logistic regression techniques, see Alfred Demaris, Logit Modeling: Practical Applications (New York: Russell Sage, 1992); David Hosmer and Stanley Lemeshow, Applied Logistic Regression (Danvers, Mass.: John Wiley and Son, 2000).

130. I coded the variables used in the logistic regression analyses as follows: AFLCIO is a continuous variable ranging from 0 to 100 that reflects a ranking of the CBC members’ voting records on issues that the AFLCIO deems critical for U.S. labor; %BLACK is a continuous variable ranging from 0 to 100 that reflects the size of the black population in the districts of CBC members; MEDINCOME is a continuous variable that reflects the median income in the districts of CBC members; MOV1998 is a continuous variable that reflects CBC members’ margins of victory in the 1998 midterm election; SOUTHREG is a dummy variable for the southern region (coded 1 for districts in the South and 0 for all others); UNEMPLOYMENT is a continuous variable ranging from 0 to 100 that reflects the size of the jobless population in the districts of CBC members.

131. Hosmer and Lemeshow, Applied Logistic Regression, 74–79.

132. Barnett, “Congressional Black Caucus,” 1982 [n. 77], 40–50; Poinsett, “Congressional Black Caucus,” 291–92; Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests, 37–44; Singh, Congressional Black Caucus, 74–85; Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 104–10.

133. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests, 218.

CONCLUSION

1. Louis Gerson, The Hyphenate in Recent American Politics and Diplomacy (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1964); Alexander DeConde, Ethnicity, Race and American Foreign Policy: A History (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992).

2. The meaning of term transnationalism is somewhat contested within the social sciences. For insights into this debate, see Stephen Vertovec, “Conceiving and Researching Transnationalism,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 21, no. 1 (1999): 447–62. Most political scientists subscribe to the view that transnationalism encompasses any political behavior intended to forge or reify the bonds of fealty to a faraway ancestral or adopted homeland. For studies in political science that use this definition, see Samuel P. Huntington, “The Erosion of American National Interests,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 5 (1997): 28–50; Yossi Shain, Marketing the American Creed Abroad: Diasporas in the U.S. and Their Homelands (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Tony Smith, Foreign Attachments: The Power of Ethnic Groups in the Making of American Foreign Policy. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).

3. See, for example, Ronald Walters, “African-American Influence on U.S. Foreign Policy toward South Africa,” in Ethnic Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy, ed. Mohammed Ahrani (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1987), 65–83; Hanes Walton, African American Power and Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 352–69; Elliott P. Skinner, African Americans and US Policy toward Africa 1850–1924: In Defense of Black Nationality (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1992); Penny Von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anti-Colonialism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 69–122; Smith, Foreign Attachments, 60–64.

4. Robert D. Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games,” International Organization 42 (1988): 427–61.

5. Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith, “Racial Orders in American Political Development,” American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (2005): 75–92.

6. See, for example, Michael Dawson, Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); Rodney Hero, Latinos in the US Political System: Two-Tiered Pluralism (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992); Katherine Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror: African Americans and Their Representatives in Congress (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).

7. For an excellent introduction to the use of path dependence in political science research, see Paul Pierson, Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 17–54, 79–103.

8. For examples of this literature, see Gabriel Sheffer, “Ethnonational Diasporas and Security” Survival 36 (1994): 60–79; Yossi Shain, “Multicultural Foreign Policy,” Foreign Policy 100 (1995): 69–87; Huntington, “Erosion of American National Interests,” 28–50. For references to the black American experience, see Bernard Magubane, The Ties That Bind: African-American Consciousness of Africa (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1989); Ronald Walters, “African-American Influences,” 65–83.

9. Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics.”

10. Huntington, “Erosion of American National Interests,” 28–50; Bruce D. Porter, “Can American Democracy Survive?” Commentary 96 (November 1993): 37–40; James Schlesinger, “Fragmentation and Hubris: A Shaky Basis for American Leadership,” National Interest 49 (fall 1997): 3–10.

11. See, for example, Charles Mathias Jr., “Ethnic Groups and Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 59, no. 5: 975–98; Huntington, “Erosion of American National Interests,” 32–33.

12. George W. Shepard Jr., “Introduction,” in Racial Influences on American Foreign Policy, ed. George W. Shepard Jr. (New York: Basic Books, 1970); DeConde, Ethnicity, Race and American Foreign Policy; Shain, Marketing the American Creed Abroad.

13. Herschelle Challenor, “The Influence of Black Americans on U.S. Foreign Policy toward Africa,” in Ethnicity and U.S. Foreign Policy, ed. Abdul Aziz Said (New York: Praeger, 1981); Shain, Marketing the American Creed Abroad.

14. Patricia Gurin, Shirley Hatchett, and James S. Jackson, Hope and Independence: Blacks’ Response to Electoral and Party Politics (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1989); Dawson, Behind the Mule; Katherine Tate, From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 23–29.

15. Dawson, Behind the Mule, 57.

16. Ibid., 58.

17. Carol Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African Americans in Congress (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993); Richard Fenno, Going Home: Black Representatives and Their Constituents (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror.

18. Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror, 127.

19. Fenno, Going Home, 7.

20. Kevin Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 1–19.

21. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests, 167.

22. See, for example, Walters, “African-American Influence.”

23. Alvin B. Tillery Jr., “Black Americans and the Creation of America’s Africa Policies: The De-Racialization of Pan-African Politics,” in The African Diaspora: African Origins and New World Identities, ed. Isidore Okpewho, Carol Boyce Davies, and Ali A. Mazrui (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 504–25.

24. For an excellent study of the ambivalence that black Americans show toward African immigrants, see Shayla Nunnally, “Limiting Blackness or Ethnic Ordering: African Americans’ Diasporic Linked Fate with West Indian and African Peoples in the US,” Du Bois Review, forthcoming.

25. Richard Fenno, Congressmen in Committees (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973), 3–9.

26. For recent studies of African immigration to the United States, see April Gordon, “The New Diaspora: African Immigration to the United States,” Journal of Third World Studies 15, no. 1 (1993): 79–103; Yanyi K. Djamba, “African Immigrants in the United States: A Socio-Demographic Profile in Comparison to Native Blacks,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 34, no. 2 (1999), 211–18.

27. Reuel Rogers, “Race Based Coalitions among Minority Groups: Afro-Caribbean Immigrants and African Americans in New York City,” Urban Affairs Review 39, no. 3 (2004): 283–317; Evrick Brown, “The Caribbean Nation State in Brooklyn Politics: An Examination of the UNA Clarke Major Owens Congressional Race,” in Race and Ethnicity in New York City, ed. Jerome Krase and Ray Hutchinson (New York: Elsevier, 2004), 221–45. See also Curtis L. Taylor, “Brooklyn Politics in Flux: Caribbean Migration Is Bringing Change to Area Long-Controlled by African-Americans, Whites,” New York Newsday, September 19, 2004, A37.

28. Sheldon Stryker, “Identity Salience and Role Performance: The Relevance of Symbolic Interaction Theory for Family Research,” Journal of Marriage and the Family 30, no. 4 (1968): 558–64; Dawson, Behind the Mule, 56–72.