NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1. A 1994 report on American philosophy, “Status and Future of the Profession,” revealed that “only one department in 20 (18 of the 456 departments reporting) has any [tenure-track] African­American faculty, with slightly fewer having either Hispanic­American or Asian-American [tenure-track] faculty (17 departments in both cases). A mere seven departments have any [tenure-track] Native American faculty.” Proceedings and Addresses of The American Philosophical Association 70, no. 2 (1996): 137.

2. For an overview, see, for example, Ernest Barker, Introduction to Social Contract: Essays by Locke, Hume, and Rousseau, ed. Barker (1947; rpt. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960); Michael Lessnoff, Social Contract (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1986); Will Kymlicka, “The Social Contract Tradition,” in A Companion to Ethics, ed. Peter Singer (Oxford: Blackwell Reference, 1991), pp. 186–96; Jean Hampton, “Contract and Consent,” in A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, ed. Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit (Oxford: Blackwell Reference, 1993), pp. 379–93.

3. Indigenous peoples as a global group are sometimes referred to as the “Fourth World.” See Roger Moody, ed., The Indigenous Voice: Visions and Realities, 2d ed., rev. (1988; rpt. Utrecht: International Books, 1993).

4. For a praiseworthy exception, see Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990). Young focuses explicitly on the implications for standard conceptions of justice of group subordination, including racial groups.

5. Credit for the revival of social contract theory, and indeed postwar political philosophy in general, is usually given to John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971).

6. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. Richard Tuck (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett (1960; rpt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discourse on the Origins and Foundations of Inequality among Men, trans. Maurice Cranston (London: Penguin, 1984); Rousseau, The Social Contract, trans. Maurice Cranston (London: Penguin, 1968); Immanuel Kant, The Metaphysics of Morals, trans. Mary Gregor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

7. In “Contract and Consent,” p. 382, Jean Hampton reminds us that for the classic theorists, contract is intended “simultaneously to describe the nature of political societies, and to prescribe a new and more defensible form for such societies.” In this essay, and also in “The Contractarian Explanation of the State,” in The Philosophy of the Human Sciences, Midwest Studies in Philosophy, 15, ed. Peter A. French, Theodore E. Uehling Jr., and Howard K. Wettstein (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990), pp. 344–71, she argues explicitly for a revival of the old-fashioned, seemingly discredited “contractarian explanation of the state.” Hampton points out that the imagery of “contract” captures the essential point that “authoritative political societies are human creations” (not divinely ordained or naturally determined) and “conventionally generated.”

8. Rousseau, Discourse on Inequality, pt. 2.

9. Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988). One difference between our approaches is that Pateman thinks contractarianism is necessarily oppressive—“Contract always generates political right in the form of relations of domination and subordination” (p. 8)—whereas I see domination within contract theory as more contingent. For me, in other words, it is not the case that a Racial Contract had to underpin the social contract. Rather, this contract is a result of the particular conjunction of circumstances in global history which led to European imperialism. And as a corollary, I believe contract theory can be put to positive use once this hidden history is acknowledged, though I do not follow up such a program in this book. For an example of feminist contractarianism that contrasts with Pateman’s negative assessment, see Susan Moller Okin, Justice, Gender, and the Family (New York: Basic Books, 1989).

10. See, for example, Paul Thagard, Conceptual Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), p. 22.

11. See Hampton, “Contract and Consent” and “Contractarian Explanation.” Hampton’s own focus is the liberal-democratic state, but obviously her strategy of employing “contract” to conceptualize conventionally generated norms and practices is open to be adapted to the understanding of the non-liberal-democratic racial state, the difference being that “the people” now become the white population.

CHAPTER 1. OVERVIEW

1. Otto Gierke termed these respectively the Gesellschaftsvertrag and the Herrschaftsvertrag. For a discussion, see, for example, Barker, Introduction, Social Contract; and Lessnoff, Social Contract, chap. 3.

2. Rawls, Theory of Justice, pt. 1.

3. In speaking generally of “whites,” I am not, of course, denying that there are gender relations of domination and subordination or, for that matter, class relations of domination and subordination within the white population. I am not claiming that race is the only axis of social oppression. But race is what I want to focus on; so in the absence of that chimerical entity, a unifying theory of race, class, and gender oppression, it seems to me that one has to make generalizations that it would be stylistically cumbersome to qualify at every point. So these should just be taken as read. Nevertheless, I do want to insist that my overall picture is roughly accurate, i.e., that whites do in general benefit from white supremacy (though gender and class differentiation mean, of course, that they do not benefit equally) and that historically white racial solidarity has overridden class and gender solidarity. Women, subordinate classes, and nonwhites may be oppressed in common, but it is not a common oppression: the structuring is so different that it has not led to any common front between them. Neither white women nor white workers have as a group (as against principled individuals) historically made common cause with nonwhites against colonialism, white settlement, slavery, imperialism, jim crow, apartheid. We all have multiple identities, and, to this extent, most of us are both privileged and disadvantaged by different systems of domination. But white racial identity has generally triumphed over all others; it is race that (transgender, transclass) has generally determined the social world and loyalties, the lifeworld, of whites—whether as citizens of the colonizing mother country, settlers, nonslaves, or beneficiaries of the “color bar” and the “color line. There has been no comparable, spontaneously crystallizing transracial “workers’” world or transracial “female” world: race is the identity around which whites have usually closed ranks. Nevertheless, as a concession, a semantic signal of this admitted gender privileging within the white population, by which white women’s personhood is originally virtual, dependent on their having the appropriate relation (daughter, sister, wife) to the white male, I will sometimes deliberately use the non-gender-neutral “men.” For some recent literature on these problematic intersections of identity, see, for example, Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993); Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds., Western Women and Imperialism : Complicity and Resistance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992); David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 1991).

4. Rousseau, Social Contract; Hobbes, Levia than.

5. For a discussion of the two versions, see Kymlicka, “The Social Contract Tradition.”

6. Hobbes’s judgment that “INJUSTICE, is no other than the not Performance of Covenant,” Leviathan, p. 100, has standardly been taken as a statement of moral conventionalism. Hobbes’s egalitarian social morality is based not on the moral equality of humans, but on the fact of a rough parity of physical power and mental ability in the state of nature (chap. 13). Within this framework, the Racial Contract would then be the natural outcome of a systematic disparity in power—of weaponry rather than individual strength—between expansionist Europe and the rest of the world. This could be said to be neatly summed up in Hilaire Belloc’s famous little ditty: “Whatever happens, we have got / The Maxim Gun, and they have not.” Hilaire Belloc, “The Modern Traveller,” quoted in John Ellis, The Social History of the Machine Gun (1975; rpt. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Paperbacks, 1986), p. 94. Or at an earlier stage, in the conquest of the Americas, the musket and the steel sword.

7. See, for example, A. P. d’Entreves, Natural Law: An Introduction to Legal Philosophy, 2d rev. ed. (1951; rpt. London: Hutchinson, 1970).

8. Locke, Second Treatise of Two Treatises of Government, p. 269.

9. Kant, Metaphysics of Morals, pp. 230–32.

10. See Aithur O. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the History of an Idea (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948).

11. For the notion of “epistemological communities,” see recent work in feminist theory—for example, Linda Alcoff and Elizabeth Potter, eds., Feminist Epistemologies (New York: Routledge, 1993).

12. Thus Ward Churchill, a Native American, speaks sardonically of “fantasies of the master race.” Ward Churchill, Fantasies of the Master Race: Literature, Cinema, and the Colonization of American Indians, ed. M. Annette Jaimes (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1992); William Gibson, Neuromancer (New York: Ace Science Fiction Books, 1984).

13. Robert Young, White Mythologies: Writing History and the West (London: Routledge, 1990); Edward W. Said, Orientalism (1978; rpt. New York: Vintage Books, 1979); V. Y. Mudimbe, The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988); Enrique Dussel, The Invention of the Americas: Eclipse of “the Other” and the Myth of Modernity, trans. Michael D. Barber (1992; rpt. New York: Continuum, 1995); Robert Berkhofer Jr., The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (New York: Knopf, 1978); Gretchen M. Bataille and Charles L. P. Silet, eds., The Pretend Indians: Images of Native Americans in the Movies (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1980); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914 (1971; rpt. Hanover, N.H.: Wesleyan University Press, 1987); Roberto Fernández Retamar, Caliban and Other Essays, trans. Edward Baker (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989); Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean, 1492–1797 (1986; rpt. London: Routledge, 1992).

14. Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State (New York: International, 1972), p. 120.

15. Jean-Paul Sartre, Preface to Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (1961; rpt. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1991).

16. V. G. Kiernan, The Lords of Human Kind: Black Man, Yellow Man, and White Man in an Age of Empire (1969; rpt. New York: Columbia University Press, 1986); Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain, and France, c. 1500–c. 1800 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).

17. Pagden, Lord pp. 1–2.

18. Robert A. Williams Jr., “The Algebra of Federal Indian Law: The Hard Trail of Decolonizing and Americanizing the White Man’s Indian Jurisprudence,” Wisconsin Law Review 1986 (1986): 229. See also Robert A. Williams Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Though t: The Discourses of Conquest (New York: Oxford University Press, 1 90).

19. Williams, “Algebra, ” pp. 230–31, 233. See also Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1959), p. 19.

20. Williams, “Algebra”; Hanke, Aristotle.

21. Allen Carey-Webb, “Other-Fashioning: The Discourse of Empire and Nation in Lope de Vega’s El Nuevo mundo descubierto por Cristobal Colon,” in Amerindian Images and the Legacy of Columbus, ed. René Jara and Nicholas Spadaccini, Hispanic Issues, 9 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992), pp. 433–34.

22. Philip D. Curtin, Introduction, to Imperialism, ed. Curtin (New York: Walker, 1971), p. xiii.

23. Pierre L. van den Berghe, Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective, 2d ed. (New York: Wiley, 1978).

24. Pagden, Lords, chap. 1.

25. Williams, “Algebra,” p. 253.

26. Justice Joseph Story, quoted in Williams, “Algebra,” p. 256.

27. Dred Scott v. Sanford, 1857, in Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study, ed. Paula S. Rothenberg, 3d ed. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), p. 323.

28. Excerpt from Jules Harmand, Domination et colonisation (1910), in Curtin, Imperialism, pp. 294–98.

29. Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Knopf, 1993), pp. xiv, xiii.

30. Harold R. Isaacs, “Color in World Affairs,” Foreign Affairs 47 (1969): 235, 246. See also Benjamin P. Bowser, ed., Racism and Anti-Racism in World Perspective (Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage, 1995).

31. Helen Jackson, A Century of Dishonor: A Sketch of the United States Government’s Dealings with Some of the Indian Tribes (1881; rpt. New York: Indian Head Books, 1993). In her classic expose, Jackson concludes (pp. 337–38): “It makes little difference . . . where one opens the record of the history of the Indians; every page and every year has its dark stain. The story of one tribe is the story of all, varied only by differences of time and place.... [T]he United States Government breaks promises now [1880] as deftly as then [1795], and with an added ingenuity from long practice.” Jackson herself, it should be noted, saw Native Americans as having a “lesser right,” since there was no question about the “fairness of holding that ultimate sovereignty belonged to the civilized discoverer, as against the savage barbarian.” To think otherwise would merely be “feeble sentimentalism” (pp. 10-11). But she did at least want this lesser right recognized.

32. See, for example, David E. Stannard, American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).

33. Richard Drinnon, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian­Hating and Empire-Building (New York: Meridian, 1980), p. 332.

34. Ibid., p. 102. See also Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981); and Ronald Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in 19th-Century America (1979; rpt. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).

35. A. Grenfell Price, White Settlers and Native Peoples: An Historical Study of Racial Contacts between English-Speaking Whites and A boriginal Peoples in the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand (1950; rpt. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972); A. Grenfell Price, The Western Invasions of the Pacific and Its Continents (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963); van den Berghe, Race; Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies: Studies in the History of the United States, Latin America, South Africa, Canada, and Australia (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1964); F. S. Stevens, ed., Racism: The Australian Experience, 3 vols. (New York: Taplinger, 1972); Henry Reynolds, The Other Side of the Frontier: Aboriginal Resistance to the European Invasion of Australia (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1982). Price’s books are valuable sources in comparative history, but—though progressive by the standards of the time—they need to be treated with caution, since their figures and attitudes are both now somewhat dated. In White Settlers, for example, the Indian population north of the Rio Grande is estimated at fewer than 850,000, whereas estimates today are ten to twenty times higher, and Price speculates that the Indians were ‘less advanced than their white conquerors” because they had smaller brains (pp. 6–7).

36. Van den Berghe, Race, p. 18.

37. C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Tim Crow, 3d ed. (1955; rpt. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974); George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).

38. See, for example, Kiernan, Lords; V. G. Kiernan, Imperalism and its Contradictions, ed. Harvey J. Kaye (New York: Routledge, 1995); D. K. Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires: A Comparative Survey from the Eighteenth Century (1966; rpt. London: Macmillan, 1982); Pagden, Lords; Chinweizu, The West and the Rest of Us: White Predators, Black Slavers, and the African Elite (New York: Vintage Books, 1975); Henri Brunschwig, French Colonialism, 1871–1914: Myths and Realities, trans. William Granville Brown (1964; rpt. New York: Praeger, 1966); David Healy, U. S. Expansionism: The Imperialist Urge in the 1890s (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970).

39. Said, Culture, p. 8.

40. Kiernan, Lords, p. 24.

41. Linda Alcoff outlines an attractive, distinctively Latin American ideal of hybrid racial identity in her “Mestizo Identity,” in American Mixed Race: The Culture of Microdiversity, ed. Naomi Zack (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1995), pp. 257–78. Unfortunately, however, this ideal has yet to be realized. For an exposure of the Latin American myths of “racial democracy” and a race-transcendent mestizaje, and an account of the reality of the ideal of blanqueamiento (whitening) and the continuing subordination of blacks and the darker-skinned throughout the region, see, for example, Minority Rights Group, ed., No Longer Invisible: Afro-Latin Americans Today (London: Minority Rights, 1995); and Bowser, Racism and Anti-Racism.

42. Locke, Second Treatise, pp. 350–51. Since Locke also uses “property” to mean rights, this is not quite as one-dimensional a vision of government as it sounds.

43. Hobbes, Leviathan, p. 89.

44. W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (1935; rpt. New York: Atheneum, 1992).

45. See Eric Jones, The European Miracle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). My discussion here follows J. M. Blaut et al., 1492: The Debate on Colonialism, Eurocentrism, and History (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1992); and J. M. Blaut, The Colonizer’s Model of the World: Geographical Diffusionism and Eurocentric History (New York: Guilford Press, 1993).

46. Blaut, 1492; Blaut, Colonizer’s Model.

47. Sandra Harding, Introduction, to Harding, ed., The “Racial” Economy of Science: Toward a Democratic Future (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), p. 2.

48. Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (1944; rpt. New York: Capricorn Books, 1966).

49. Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972; rpt. Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1974); Samir Amin, Eurocentrism, trans. Russell Moore (1988: rpt. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989); André Gunder Frank, World Accumulation, 1492–1789 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978); Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System, 3 vols. (New York: Academic Press, 1974–1988).

50. Blaut, 1492, p. 3.

51. Kiernan, Imperialism, pp. 98, 149.

52. Quoted in Noam Chomsky, Year 501: The Conquest Continues (Boston: South End Press, 1993), p. 61.

53. But see Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray’s bestseller The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (New York: Free Press, 1994), as a sign that the older, straightforwardly racist theories may be making a comeback.

54. See, for example: Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Scribner’s, 1992); Derrick Bell, Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism (New York: BasicBooks, 1992); Massey and Denton, American Apartheid; Stephen Steinberg, Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995); Donald R. Kinder and Lynn M. Sanders, Divided by Color: Racial Politics and Democratic Ideals (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996); Tom Wicker, Tragic Failure: Racial Integration in America (New York: William Morrow, 1996).

55. Melvin L. Oliver and Thomas M. Shapiro, Black Wealth/White Wealth: A New Perspective on Racial Inequality (New York: Routledge 1995), pp. 86, 7.

56. Richard F. America, ed., The Wealth of Races: The Present Value of Benefits from Past Injustices (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990). For another ironic tribute, whose subject is the international distribution of wealth, see Malcolm Caldwell, The Wealth of Some Nations (London: Zed Press, 1977).

57. David H. Swinton, “Racial Inequality and Reparations,” in America, Wealth of Races, p. 156.

58. James Marketti, “Estimated Present Value of Income Diverted during Slavery, ” in America, Wealth of Races, p. 107.

59. Robert S. Browne, “Achieving Parity through Reparations,” in America, Wealth of Races, p. 204; Swinton, “Racial Inequality, ” p. 156.

CHAPTER 2. DETAILS

1. I will later discuss the taxonomic problems posed by “borderline”/“semi-” Europeans.

2. See, for example, Jan Nederveen Pieterse, White on Black: Images of Africa and Blacks in Western Popular Culture (1990; rpt. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), pp. 30–31; Ronald Sanders, Lost Tribes and Promised Lands: The Origins of American Racism (Boston: Little, Brown, 1978), p. 202.

3. Edward Dudley and Maximillian E. Novak, eds., The Wild Man Within: An Image in Western Thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972).

4. Hayden White, “The Forms of Wildness: Archaeology of an Idea,” in Dudley and Novak, Wild Man, p. 5.

5. Roy Harvey Pearce, Savagism and Civilization : A Study of the Indian and the American Mind, rev. ed. (1953; rpt. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965) (original title: The Savages of America), p. 3.

6. Mary Louise Pratt, “Humboldt and the Reinvention of America,” in Jara and Spadaccini, Amerindian Images, p. 589.

7. Mudimbe, Invention of Africa, pp. 15, 13.

8. Martin Bernal, The Fabrication of Ancient Greece, 1785–1985, vol. 1 of Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1987). This claim has a long history in the international black community (African, African American). See, for example, Cheikh Anta Diop, The African Origin of Civilization: Mythor Reality, trans. Mercer Cook (1955, 1967; rpt. Westport, Conn.: Lawrence Hill, 1974).

9. Harding, “Racial” Economy, p. 27.

10. Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness, ed. Paul O’Prey (1902; rpt. London: Penguin Books, 1983), p. 33.

11. Scott B. Cook, Colonial Encounters in the Age of High Imperialism (New York: HarperCollins World History Series, 1996), p. 104.

12. Mudimbe, Invention of Africa, p. 71.

13. Sanders, Lost Tribes, pp. 9–12.

14. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 122–23, 105, 66.

15. For an analysis of the film, see, for example, Michael Ryan and Douglas Kellner, Camera Politica: The Politics and Ideology of Contemporary Hollywood Film (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988).

16. David Theo Goldberg, Racist Culture: Philosophy and the Politics of Meaning (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1993), p. 185, and more generally, chap. 8, “‘Polluting the Body Politic’: Race and Urban Location, ” pp. 185–205.

17. Fanon, Wretched of the Earth, pp. 38–40.

18. Franke Wilmer, The Indigenous Voice in World Politics: Since Time Immemorial (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1993).

19. Locke, Second Treatise, p. 301.

20. Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (1975; rpt. New York: Norton, 1976), pt. 1.

21. Ibid, p. 16. See also Stannard, American Holocaust, chaps. 1 and 2, for an account of the exponential upward revision in recent years of estimates of the pre-Columbian population of the Americas and the politics of its previous undercounting. Half a century ago, standard figures were 8 million total for North and South America and fewer than 1 million for the region north of Mexico; today some estimates would put these numbers as high as 145 million and 18 million, respectively. Stannard, American Holocaust, p. 11.

22. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 49, 212, 232.

23. Quoted from an official document by A. Barrie Pittock, “Aboriginal Land Rights,” in Stevens, Racism 2:192.

24. Leonard Thompson, The Political Mythology of Apartheid (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), p. 75.

25. Drinnon, Facing West, p. 213.

26. Russel Ward, “An Australian Legend, ” Royal Australian Historical Society fournal and Proceedings 47, no. 6 (1961): 344, quoted by M. C. Hartwig, “Aborigines and Racism: An Historical Perspective, ” in Stevens, Racism 2:9.

27. For a classic analysis, see Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (1952; rpt. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1968); and for a recent exploration, Lewis R. Gordon, Bad Faith and Antiblack Racism (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1995), esp. chaps. 7, 14, and 15, pp. 29–44. 97–103, 104–16.

28. Gordon, Bad Faith, pp. 99, 105.

29. Frankenberg, White Women, chap. 3.

30. Fanon, Black Skin; Charles Herbert Stember, Sexual Racism: The Emotional Barrier to an Integrated Society (New York: Elsevier, 1976); John D’Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), chap. 51 “Race and Sexuality, ” pp. 85–108.

31. Susan Mendus, “Kant: ‘An Honest but Narrow-Minded Bourgeois’? ” in Women in Western Political Philosophy, ed. Ellen Kennedy and Susan Mendus (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987), pp. 21-43.

32. Aristotle, The Politics, trans. T. A. Sinclair (1962; rev. ed. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1981), pp. 63–73.

33. White, “Forms of Wildness,” p. 17.

34. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 6.

35. See Cornel West’s description of the emergence in the modern period of the “normative gaze” of white supremacy: “A Genealogy of Modern Racism,” chap. 2 of Prophesy Deliverance!: An Afro-American Revolutionary Christianity (Phildelphia: Westminster Press, 1982), pp. 47–65.

36. M. I. Finley, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (New York: Viking Press, 1980), p. 144.

37. Lucius Outlaw Jr., “Life-Worlds, Modernity, and Philosophical Praxis: Race, Ethnicity, and Critical Social Theory,” in Outlaw, On Race and Philosophy (New York: Routledge, 1996), p. 165.

38. Quoted in Drinnon, Facing West, p. 75.

39. Said, Culture and Imperialism, pp. 521 59.

40. Orlando Patterson, Freedom in the Making of Western Culture, vol. 1 of Freedom (New York: Basic Books, 1991).

41. Toni Morrison, Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).

42. Quoted in Pearce, Savagism, pp. 7–8.

43. For a discussion, see, for example, Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York and London: Norton, 1981); and William H. Tucker, The Science and Politics of Racial Research (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994). Tucker asserts flatly (p. 5): “The truth is that though waged with scientific weapons, the goal in this controversy has always been political.”

44. Harmannus Hoetink, Caribbean Race Rela tions: A Study of Two Variants, trans. Eva M. Hooykaas (1962; rpt. London: Oxford University Press, 1967).

45. George L. Mosse, Toward the Final Solution: A History of European Racism (1978; rpt. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. xii, 11.

46. Winthrop D. Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (1968; rpt. New York: Norton, 1977).

47. Franklin, Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind (1751), quoted in Jordan, White over Black, pp. 270, 143.

48. See, for example, Kathy Russell, Midge Wilson, and Ronald Hall, The Color Complex: The Politics of Skin Color among African Americans (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992).

49. Frank M. Snowden Jr., Blacks in An tiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970); Frank M. Snowden Jr., Before Color Prejudice: The Ancient View of Blacks (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983).

50. Theodore W. Allen, Racial Oppression and Social Control, vol. 1 of The Invention of the White Race (New York: Verso, 1994); Ian F. Haney López, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New York University Press, 1996).

51. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 60.

52. Hugo Grotius, The Law of War and Peace, trans. Francis W. Kelsey (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1925), chap. 20, “On Punishments,” of bk. 2, p. 506, quoted in Williams, “Algebra, ” p. 250.

53. For the following, compare James Tully, Strange Multiplicity: Constitutionalism in an Age of Diversity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), esp. chap. 31 “The Historical Formation of Modern Constitutionalism: The Empire of Uniformity,” pp. 58–98. I thank Anthony Laden for bringing this book to my attention, which I only learned about when my own manuscript was on the verge of completion.

54. Hobbes, Leviathan, p. 89.

55. Richard Ashcraft, “Leviathan Triumphant: Thomas Hobbes and the Politics of Wild Men,” in Dudley and Novak, Wild Man, pp. 146–47.

56. Hobbes, Leviathan, pp. 89–90.

57. Two hundred years later, by contrast, the British colonial enterprise, with the accompanying ontological dichotomization, was so well entrenched that John Stuart Mill experienced not the slightest qualm in asserting (in an essay now seen as a classic humanist defense of individualism and freedom) that the liberal harm principle “is meant to apply only to human beings in the maturity of their faculties, ” not to those “backward states of society in which the race itself may be considered as in its nonage”: “Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement.” John Stuart Mill, On Liberty and Other Writings, ed. Stefan Collini (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 13.

58. Locke, Second Treatise, chap. 5, “Of Property.”

59. Robert A. Williams Jr., “Documents of Barbarism: The Contemporary Legacy of European Racism and Colonialism in the Narrative Traditions of Federal Indian Law,” Arizona Law Review 237 (1989), excerpted in Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge, ed. Richard Delgado (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995), p. 103.

60. Locke, Second Treatise, chap. 16, “On Conquest.”

61. See, for example, Jennifer Welchman, “Locke on Slavery and Inalienable Rights,” Canadian fournal of Philosophy 25 (1995): 67–81.

62. Rousseau, Discourse on Inequality, pp. 83, 87, 90, 136, 140, 145 (nonwhite savages), 140 (European savages).

63. Ibid., p. 116.

64. Rousseau, Social Contract, bk. 1, chap. 8.

65. Emmanuel Eze, “The Color of Reason: The Idea of ‘Race’ in Kant’s Anthropology,” in Anthropology and the German Enlightenment, ed. Katherine Faull (Lewisburg, Pa.: Bucknell University Press, 1995), pp. 196–237.

66. Eze cites the 1950 judgment of Earl Count that scholars often forget that “Immanuel Kant produced the most profound racio­logical thought of the eighteenth century.” Earl W. Count, ed., This Is Race: An Anthology Selected from the International Literature on the Races of Man (New York: Henry Schuman, 1950), p. 704, quoted in Eze, “Color of Reason,” p. 196. Compare the 1967 verdict of the German anthropologist Wilhelm Mühlmann that Kant is “the founder of the modern concept of race,” quoted in Leon Poliakov, “Racism from the Enlightenment to the Age of Imperialism,” in Racism and Colonialism, ed. Robert Ross (The Hague: Leiden University Press, 1982), p. 59.

67. Mosse, Final Solution, pp. 30–31.

68. Immanuel Kant, Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime, trans. John T. Goldthwait (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), pp. 111–13.

69. Eze, “Color of Reason,” pp. 214–15, 209–15, 217.

70. See David Lehman, Signs of the Times: Deconstruction and the Fall of Paul de Man (New York: Poseidon Press, 1991).

71. Janet L. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony: The World System, A. D. 1250–1350 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).

72. Fredric Jameson, “Modernism and Imperialism,” in Nationalism, Colonialism, and Literature, ed. Seamus Deane (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990), pp. 50–51.

73. Steinberg, Turning Back, p. 152.

74. Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, pp. 84, 97–98.

75. Morrison, Playing, p. 46.

76. See the discussion of “idealizing” abstractions in Onora O’Neill, “Justice, Gender, and International Boundaries,” in The Quality of Life, ed. Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 303–23.

77. Patricia J. Williams, The Alchemy of Race and Rights (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), pp. 116, 49.

78. Bill E. Lawson,” Moral Discourse and Slavery,” in Howard McGary and Bill E. Lawson, Between Slavery and Freedom : Philosophy and American Slavery (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), pp. 71–89.

79. Anita L. Allen, “Legal Rights for Poor Blacks,” in The Underclass Question, ed. Bill E. Lawson (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), pp. 117–39.

80. Rawls, Theory of fustice; Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974).

81. Isaacs, “Color,” p. 235.

82. Earl Miner, “The Wild Man through the Looking Glass,” in Dudley and Novak, Wild Man, pp. 89–90.

83. Jordan, White over Black, p. 254.

84. Drinnon, Facing West, p. xvii. But see Allen, Invention of the White Race, for the contrasting position that the Irish were indeed made nonwhite.

85. Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995).

86. See John W. Dower, War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986).

87. Gary Y. Okihiro, “Is Yellow Black or White? ” in Margins and Mainstreams: Asians in American History and Culture (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994), pp. 31–63.

88. Sir Robert Filmer, Patriarcha and Other Writings, ed. Johann P. Sommerville (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

89. Again, it could be argued that a better formulation is to say that actually, by the terms of the Racial Contract, they are not the same crime, that the identity conditions change with the perpetrator, so that there is really no inconsistency. The judgment of inconsistency presupposes the background of the social contract.

90. According to the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund in New York, of the 380 people executed since the reinstatement of capital punishment, only 5 were whites convicted of killing blacks.

91. William Brandon, The American Heritage Book of Indians (New York: Dell, 1964), p. 327, quoted in Jan P. Nederveen Pieterse, Empire and Emancipation: Power and Liberation on a World Scale (New York: Praeger, 1989), p. 313.

92. Kiernan, Lords, pp. 198, 47.

93. Locke, Second Treatise, p. 274.

94. Ralph Ginzburg, ed., 100 Years of Lynchings (1962; rpt. Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1988).

95. C. J. Dash wood, quoted in Price, White Settlers, p. 114. One white settler, “in revenge for having been speared, had shot on sight 37 natives.” Ibid., p. 115.

96. Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave (New York: Viking Penguin, 1982), p. 135.

97. Carter G. Woodson, The Mis-Education of the Negro (1933; rpt. Nashville, Tenn.: Winston-Derek, 1990).

98. James Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name: More Notes of a Native Son (1961; rpt. New York: Vintage International, 1993), p. 96.

99. Pieterse, Empire and Emancipation, p. 317.

100. Quoted from Survival International Review 4, no. 2 (1979), in Moody, Indigenous Voice, p. 248.

101. Jerry Gambill, “Twenty-one Ways to ‘Scalp’ an Indian,” 1968 speech, in Moody, Indigenous Voice, pp. 293–95, quoted from Akwesasne Notes 1, no. 7 (1979).

102. Fanon, Black Skin.

103. Blackisms, quoted from Mureena, Aboriginal Student Newspaper, 21 no. 2 (1972), in Moody, Indigenous Voice, pp. 290–92.

104. Ngūgī wa Thiong’o, Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature (London: James Currey, 1986), pp. 3, 12.

CHAPTER 3.” NATURALIZED” MERITS

1. Susan Moller Okin, Women in Western Political Thought (1979; rpt. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992).

2. For Hume, see the 1753–54 edition of his essay, “Of National Characters,” quoted, for example, in Jordan, White over Black, p. 253; Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Introduction to The Philosophy of History, trans. John Sibree (New York: Dover, 1956), pp. 91–99. For a detailed critique of Locke and Mill in particular, and their “colonial liberalism,” see Bhikhu Parekh, “Decolonizing Liberalism,” in The End of “Isms”? Refiections on the Fate of Ideological Politics after Communism’s Collapse, ed. Aleksandras Shtromas (Cambridge, Mass. : Blackwell, 1994), pp. 85–103; and Bhikhu Parekh, “Liberalism and Colonialism: A Critique of Locke and Mill,” in The Decolonization of Imagination: Culture, Knowledge and Power, ed. Jan P. Nederveen Pieterse and Bhikhu Parekh (London: Zed Books, 1995), pp. 81–98.

3. To be fair to Mill, he does have a famous exchange with Thomas Carlyle on the treatment of blacks in the British West Indies, in which he comes out for “progressive” (relatively, of course) social policies. See Thomas Carlyle: The Nigger Question; John Stuart Mill: The Negro Question, ed. Eugene R. August (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Crofts Classics, 1971). But the difference is basically between less and more humane colonial policies; colonialism itself as a politico-economic system of exploitation is not being challenged.

4. Alvin I. Goldman, “Ethics and Cognitive Science,” Ethics 103 (1993): 337–60. For further reading on the developing dialogue between the two, see Mind and Morals: Essays on Ethics and Cognitive Science, ed. Larry May, Marilyn Friedman, and Andy Clark (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996).

5. Cf. Frankenberg, White Women, who distinguishes between the older discourse of essentialist racism, “with its emphasis on race difference understood in hierarchical terms of essential, biological inequality,” and the current discourse of essential “sameness,” “color-blindness,” “a color-evasive and power­evasive” language that asserts that “we are all the same under the skin,” which in ignoring the “structural and institutional dimensions of racism” implies that “materially, we have the same chances in U.S. society,” so that “any failure to achieve is therefore the fault of people of color themselves” (pp. 14, 139).

6. For example, Donald Kinder and Lynn Sanders conclude in their analysis of American attitudes on race that on many issues of public policy,” [individual] self-interest turns out to be quite unimportant.” What matter are group interests, “interests that are collective rather than personal,” involving perceptions of deprivation as relative, “based less in objective condition and more in social comparison,” i.e., the notion of “group relative disadvantage.” And races, it turns out, are the most important social group, since race “creates divisions more notable than any other in American life”: “Insofar as interests figure prominently in white opinion on race, it is through the threats blacks appear to pose to whites’ collective well-being, not their personal welfare.” Divided by Color, pp. 262–64, 252, 85.

7. Susan V. Opotow, ed., “Moral Exclusion and Injustice,” Journal of Social Issues, 46, special issue (1990): 1, quoted in Wilmer, Indigenous Voice.

8. See, for a discussion, Cheryl I. Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review 106 (1993): 1709–91; and Welchman, “Locke on Slavery. “

9. Consider the “racial etiquette” of the Old South, as documented in John Dollard’s Caste and Class in a Southern Town, 3d ed. (1937; rpt. New York: Doubleday Anchor, 1957), and explored, say, in William Faulkner’s novels and Richard Wright, “The Ethics of Living Jim Crow” (1937), in Bearing Witness: Selections from African-American Autobiography in the Twentieth Century, ed. Henry Louis Gates Jr. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1991), pp. 39–51.

10. Kiernan cites the view held by many whites about slavery that “Negroes have far duller nerves and are less susceptible to pain than Europeans.” Lords, p. 199.

11. Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man (1952; rpt. New York: Vintage Books, 1972), pp. 3, 14.

12. Baldwin, Nobody Knows, p. 172; James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time (1963; rpt. New York: Vintage International, 1993), pp. 53–54.

13. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 138–39.

14. W. E. H. Stanner, After the Dreaming (Sydney: Boyer Lectures, 1968), p. 25, quoted in Hartwig, “Aborigines and Racism” in Stevens, Racism 2:10.

15. Gordon, Bad Faith, pp. 8, 75, 87.

16. David Stannard, American Holocaust. The standard response to this accusation is to claim that the vast majority of Native Americans were actually killed by disease rather than warfare or general mistreatment. Stannard replies that: no factual evidence has been presented to back up this standard claim, and even if it were true, culpability would still remain, along the same lines that we hold the Nazis morally responsible for Jewish deaths from disease, malnutrition, and overwork in the ghettos and the camps. It is estimated by some scholars that more than two million Jews actually died from these causes rather than from gassing or shooting. See, for example, Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, rev. and definitive ed., 3 vols. (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1985); and Arno Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? The “Final Solution” in History, with a new foreword (1988; rpt. New York: Pantheon, 1990). Nonetheless we do, of course—as we should—assign blame for these deaths to Nazi policy, as ultimately causally responsible. For rival positions in this often angry debate, see David E. Stannard, “Uniqueness as Denial: The Politics of Genocide Scholarship” (where these points are made and these sources cited), and Steven T. Katz, “The Uniqueness of the Holocaust: The Historical Dimension,” both in Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocide, ed. Alan S. Rosenbaum (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996): 163 –208 and 19–38. See also Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America : The Question of the Other, trans. Richard Howard (1982; rpt. New York: Harper and Row, 1984), esp. chap. 3, “Love,” pp. 127–82.

17. Drinnon, Facing West, p. 199.

18. See Stannard, American Holocaust, pp. 317–18.

19. E. D. Morel, The Black Man’s Burden (1920; rpt. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969). The same estimate is given by Jan Vansina, professor emeritus of history and anthropology at the University of Wisconsin.

20. Stannard, American Holocaust, p. 121. Jonathan Swift in Gulliver’s Travels (1726) has his protagonist make shoes and a canoe out of the skins of the subhuman/human Yahoos of part 4 (themselves based on the “Hottentots,” the Khoi-khoi people of South Africa). The sail of the canoe was “likewise composed of the Skins of the same Animal; but I made use of the youngest I could get, the older being too tough and thick.” Jonathan Swift, Gulliver’s Travels (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 284.

21. Clive Turnbull, “Tasmania: The Ultimate Solution,” in Stevens, Racism 2:228–34.

22. Dower, War without Mercy, chap. 3, “War Hates and War Crimes,” pp. 33–73.

23. C. L. R. James, The Black facobins: Toussain t L’Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, 2d ed. (1938; rpt. New York: Vintage Books, 1963), pp. 12–13.

24. Ida Wells-Barnett, On Lynchings (New York: Arno Press, 1969); Ginzburg, 100 Years.

25. Daniel R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 102–3. The bullet was so named because it was manufactured at a British factory at Dum-Dum, outside Calcutta.

26. Sven Lindqvist, “Exterminate All the Brutes,” trans. Joan Tate (1992; rpt. New York: New Press, 1996), pp. 36–69; and see also Ellis, Machine Gun, chap. 4, “Making the Map Red,” pp. 79–109. Lindqvist points out (p. 46) that an additional sixteen thousand Sudanese were wounded in the “battle,” and few or none of them survived either, being summarily executed in its aftermath.

27. Dower, War without Mercy, pp. 37–38.

28. Hilberg, Destruction of the European Jews; Ian Hancock, “Responses to the Porrajmos: The Romani Holocaust,” in Rosenbaum, Holocaust, pp. 39–64; Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold War (New York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1988), chap. 2, “Slaughter on the Eastern Front,” pp. 12–26.

29. Quoted in Michael Bilton and Kevin Sim, Four Hours in My Lai (New York: Penguin, 1992), p. 336. One popular Saigon graffito of the time was “Kill a Gook for Calley,” and telegrams to the White House ran a hundred to one in his favor. There was also a hit song in his honor: “The Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley.” Four Hours, pp. 338–40. For Algeria, see Fan on, Wretched of the Earth; and Rita Maran, Torture: The Role of Ideology in the French­Algerian War (New York: Praeger, 1989). Maran’s conclusion is that the widespread use of torture by the French troops (in violation of French law) was made possible by the mission civilisatrice, since, after all, Western civilization was at stake. In Vietnam, by contrast, American troops committing atrocities simply appealed to the well-established moral principle of the M.G.R.—the “mere gook rule.” See Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 454–5 9.

30. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens? pp. 15–16. Mayer is reporting rather than endorsing this view, since his own account seeks to locate the “Judeocide” in the context of Hitler’s anticommunism and the extreme violence in Europe during and after the Great War. His explanation is a purely internalist one, jumping three centuries from the Thirty Years’ War (1618–48) to the aftermath of the Great War, with no attention paid to the racial violence inflicted by Europe on non-Europe in the interim. But in our own century, just before World War I, there were the examples of the Belgian-made holocaust in the Congo and the Germans’ own genocide of the Hereros after the 1904 uprising.

31. Simpson, Blowback, p. 5.

32. Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism, trans. Joan Pinkham (1955; rpt. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972), p. 14.

33. Kiernan, Imperialism, p. 101.

34. Robert Harris, Fatherland (1992; rpt. New York: Harper Paperbacks, 1993).

35. Bartolomé de Las Casas, The Devasta tion of the Indies: A Brief Account, trans. Herma Briffault (New York: Seabury Press, 1974).

36. Stannard, American Holocaust; Bruni Höfer, Heinz Dieterich, and Klaus Meyer, eds., Das Fünfhundert-jährige Reich (Médico International, 1990); Lindqvist, “Exterminate All the Brutes,” pp. 160, 172.

37. Norman G. Finkelstein, Image and Reality of the Israel­Palestine Conflict (London: Verso, 1995), p. 93.

38. Adolf Hitler, 1932 speech, in The Years 1932 to 1934, vol. 1 of Hitler: Speeches and Proclamations, 1932–1945, ed. Max Domarus, trans. Mary Fran Gilbert (1962; rpt. Wauconda, Ill.: Bolchazy-Carducci, 1990), p. 96. For this reference, I am indebted to Finkelstein, Image and Reality, pp. 93–94. Finkelstein points out that many of Hitler’s biographers emphasize how frequently he invoked as a praiseworthy model to be emulated the successful North American extermination of the “red savages.”

39. Locke, Second Treatise, pp. 346–49.

40. David Hume, “Of the Original Contract” (1748), anthologized, e.g., in Barker, Social Contract, pp. 147–66.

41. There is now an American journal with the title Race Traitor: A Journal of the New Abolitionism. For a collection of articles from it, see Race Traitor, ed. Noel Ignatiev and John Garvey (New York: Routledge, 1996).

42. Maran, Torture, p. 125 n. 30.

43. The slogan of Race Traitor.

44. Quoted in Drinnon, Facing West, p. 163, from the nineteenth­century American novelist Robert Montgomery Bird.

45. Chomsky, Year 5041, p. 31.

46. Roger Moody, Introduction (to the first eqition), Indigenous Voice, p. xxix.

47. Bilton and Sim, Four Hours, pp. 135–41, 176–77, 204–5.

48. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903; rpt. New York: New American Library, 1982).

49. Sitting Bull, quoted in Moody, Indigenous Voice, p. 355; Churchill, Fantasies; David Walker, Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World (Baltimore, Md.: Black Classic Press, 1993), pp. 33, 48; Du Bois, Souls, pp. 122, 225; W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Souls of White Folk,” in W. E. B. Du Bois: A Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York: Henry Holt, 1995), p. 456; Richard Wright, “The Ethics of Living Jim Crow”; Marcus Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, vols. 1 and 2, ed. Amy Jacques-Garvey (1923, 1925; rpt. New York: Atheneum, 1992); Jawaharlal Nehru, The Discovery of India (1946; rpt. New York: Anchor Books, 1959), quoted in Chomsky, Year 501, p. 20; Martin Luther King Jr., Why We Can’t Wait (1963; rpt. New York: Mentor, 1964), p. 82; Malcolm X, 8 April 1964 speech on “Black Revolution,” in I Am Because We Are: Readings in Black Philosophy, ed. Fred Lee Hord (Mzee Lasana Okpara) and Jonathan Scott Lee (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995), pp. 277–78; Farron, Wretched, pp. 40–42; Césaire, Discourse, pp. 20–21; “Statement of Protest,” in Moody, Indigenous Voice, p. 3 60.

50. “Knox was an influential figure in the development of British ‘race science’—perhaps the most influential at mid-century—whom Darwin cites with respect if not absolute approval.” Patrick Brantlinger, “‘Dying Races’: Rationalizing Genocide in the Nineteenth Century,” in Pieterse and Parekh, The Decolonization of Imagination, p. 47.

51. Lindqvist, “Exterminate,” pts. 2 and 4; and Brantlinger, “Dying Races.’”

52. Quoted in Cook, Colonial Encounters, p. 1.

53. Kiernan, Imperialism, p. 146. See also Okihiro, chap. 51 “Perils of the Body and Mind,” in Margins and Mainstreams, pp. 118–47.

54. Kiernan, Lords, pp. 171, 237.

55. Madison Grant, The Passing of the Great Race; or, The Racial Basis of European History (New York: Scribner’s, 1916); Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color against White World­Supremacy (New York: Scribner’s, 1920). For a discussion, see Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America (1963; rpt. New York: Schocken, 1965), chap. 15. Gossett points out that Stoddard’s book turns up in F. Scott Fitzgerald’s Great Gatsby, disguised as The Rise of the Colored Empires.

56. Kiernan, Lords, p. 27.

57. Quoted in Dower, War without Mercy, p. 160.

58. Kiernan, Lords, pp. 319–20.

59. Ibid., p. 69.

60. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 313–14.

61. Dower, War without Mercy, pp. 173–78.

62. Okihiro, “Perils,” pp. 133, 129.

63. W. E. B. Du Bois, “To the Nations of the World,” and “The Negro Problems” (1915), both in Lewis, Du Bois, pp. 639, 48.

64. Richard Wright, The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference (1956; rpt. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1994).

65. See Moody, Indigenous Voice, pp. 498–505.

66. Leon Poliakov, The Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalist Ideas in Europe, trans. Edmund Howard (1971; rpt. New York: Basic Books, 1974), p. 5.

67. Douglass, Narrative, p. 107.

68. Baldwin, Nobody Knows, pp. 67–68.

69. See Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982).

70. Young, White Mythologies.

71. See, for example, Edward Blyden’s A Vindication of the African Race (1857).

72. See Russell et al., The Color Complex.

73. For the long history of the systematic evasion of race by the most famous theorists of American political culture, see Rogers M. Smith, “Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America,” American Political Science Review 87 (1993): 549–66. Smith points out (pp. 557–58) that “the cumulative effect of these persistent failures to lay out the full pattern of civic exclusion has been to make it all too easy for scholars to conclude that egalitarian inclusiveness has been the norm,” whereas “the exceptions obviously have great claim to be ranked as rival norms. “

74. Or at least my preferred version does. As earlier mentioned, racist versions of the “Racial Contract” are possible; these would take whites to be intrinsically exploitative beings who are biologically motivated to set up the contract.

75. For representative works in legal theory, the original home of the term, see Delgado, Critical Race Theory; and Kimberlé Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas, eds., Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement (New York: New Press, 1995). The term, however, is now beginning to be used more widely.

76. Quoted in Dower, War without Mercy, p. 161.

77. Boston Globe article by the Japan historian Herbert Bix, 19 April 19921 quoted by Chomsky, Year 501, p. 239. See also James Yin and Shi Young, The Rape of Nanking: An Undeniable History in Photographs, ed. Ron Dorfman and Shi Young (Chicago: Innovative Publishing Group, 1996).

78. Dower, War without Mercy, chap. 10, “‘Global Policy with the Yamato Race as Nucleus,” pp. 262–90.

79. For a critique from the Left, see, for example, David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990).

80. Jurgen Habermas, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity: Twelve Lectures, trans. Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1987). For critiques, see, for example, Dussel, Invention of the Americas; and Outlaw, “Life-Worlds, Modernity, and Philosophical Praxis.”

81. O’Neill, “Justice.”

82. Richard. Wright Jr. (not the novelist), “What Does the Negro Want in our Democracy?” in 1910–1932: From the Emergence of the NA.A.C.P. to the Beginning of the New Deal, vol. 3 of A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, ed. Herbert Aptheker (Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1973), pp. 285–93.

83. Henry Louis Gates Jr., The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of African-American Literary Criticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. xxi, xxiii, 47, 49.

84. Henry Louis Gates Jr., “Writing ‘Race’ and the Difference It Makes,” in Gates, ed., “Race,” Writing, and Difference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 1–20.

85. Anthony H. Richmond, Global Apartheid: Refugees, Racism, and the New World Order (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1994).

Charles W. Mills is Associate Professor of Philosophy at the University of Illinois, Chicago.

This book is dedicated to the blacks, reds, browns, and yellows who have resisted the Racial Contract and the white renegades and race traitors who have refused it.

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